Author: Justin Hinson

Public Opinion Analysis of NJ-10 Demographic Data

For my analysis of public survey data for Congressional District NJ-10, I expect to find that due to the recent slight growth in foreign-born and Hispanic/Latino populations, specifically of 3.6 percentage points and 1.3 percentage points respectively, native-born groups in NJ-10 will demonstrate a harsher reception towards immigrant groups and a greater perceived threat of economic competition from African Americans (McDermott, 2013). Due to increasing racial salience in the social context of an increasing immigrant population size, whites and blacks may strengthen their racial identities to set social distinctions between different immigrant groups and native-born groups (McDermott, 2013). As a result, my hypothesis predicts that examining CCES 2018 Data of public survey questions would find more immigration-restrictive responses to the immigrant-related survey questions. In addition, I will examine the possible implications of family income as an indicator of more or less support for restrictive immigration policy, predicting that those of lower class and in poverty would have less support for more restrictive policies than those of higher class.

In examining CCES 2018 polling data, I will observe the responses of NJ-10 participants towards three specific immigration questions, which will be my independent variables: CC18_322a, which involves increasing spending on border security by $25 billion, including building a wall between the U.S. and Mexico; CC18_322c, which would withhold federal funds from any local police department that does not report to the federal government anyone they identify as an illegal immigrant; and CC18_322f, which would send to prison any person who has been deported from the United States and reenters the United States. For my dependent variables, I will observe the implications of race between white and non-white residents of NJ-10, and also the possible implications of family income more broadly from the state of NJ.

For my analysis, I performed linear regression on my variables of choice using R. I created 2 tables that illustrate the relationship between race and immigration survey responses to CC18_322a, CC18_322c, and CC18_322f in NJ-10 and the relationship between family income level and immigration survey to CC18_322c in NJ as a whole. Table 1 demonstrates that for all 3 immigration survey questions related to border spending and illegal immigration, whites are slightly more likely to carry more restrictive attitudes than non-whites. Table 2 demonstrates that for immigration survey question CC18_322c, which would withhold federal funds from any local police department that does not report to the federal government anyone they identify as an illegal immigrant, NJ residents of poverty and low-income are less likely to support more restrictive illegal immigration policies than NJ residents of middle class and higher income.

For my additional analysis, I compared the p-values reported from the regression analysis in Tables 1 and 2. From both tables, only one statistic was significant, as the variable for race and immigration response to CC18_322a was statistically significant with a p-value of 0.0575. Other variables demonstrated to be statistically insignificant, so it’s possible that the correlation of family income level and restrictive immigration policies wasn’t as accurate.

NJ-10 Population Demographics

New Jersey Congressional District 10, represented by Donald Payne Jr. (D)

Over the course of the ten year period from 2007 to 2017, NJ-10 experienced a moderate growth in its foreign-born population, from comprising 26.3% of the total population to 29.9%. While whites and races classified as other experienced slight declines in population size, the black majority in NJ-10 experienced a more significant population decrease, from 56.9% to 51.7%. Asians and Hispanic/Latino populations were the only groups to increase over the ten-year period, with Asians featuring a larger rise in population from 4.5% to 7.6%. Asian and Hispanic/Latino population growth from 2007 to 2017 indicates the rise of Asian and Hispanic/Latino immigrant populations, following the growth of the foreign-born population during the ten-year period as well. Whites in NJ-10 relatively stayed at the same population, suggesting that there wasn’t much of an effect to the increasing immigrant population. However, blacks experienced the most amount of decline, indicating the inhibitory effect of increasing immigrant populations who most likely contributed to the competition of jobs and wages in a low-wage labor market.

As the size of an immigrant population increases, this growth can be met with a increase in harsher reception from the native-born population, assuming that the immigrant population is primarily Asian and Hispanic/Latino (McDermott, 2013). The reaction of the native-born population to a growing immigrant population can affect the ability of immigrant groups to become socially and politically integrated, developing fear and anxiety about hostile opposition from native-born groups. Due to increasing racial salience in the social context of an increasing immigrant population size, whites and blacks may strengthen their racial identities to set social distinctions between different immigrant groups and native-born groups (McDermott, 2013). In a growing immigrant population, the presence of Spanish-language media can influence the public exposure to different perspectives and views regarding immigration. While both Spanish and English national news are neutral in their take on immigration, Spanish local and national news tend to discuss immigration in a more positive tone more frequently than English local and national news (Abrajano and Singh, 2008). This can provide Hispanic/Latino immigrant groups who follow Spanish news media with greater exposure to positive perspectives and views on immigration. Local attitudes on immigration can be impacted by sudden demographic changes in immigrant population and salient national rhetoric which negatively portrays immigration (Hopkins, 2010). As a result, individuals exposed to local immigrant growth can develop anti-immigrant political hostility. In addition, exposure to demographic changes at the local level can immediately create exclusionary attitudes and opposition to permitting undocumented immigrants from residing in the US (Enos, 2014). Despite only slight changes in immigrant population on the state level, individuals who observe immigrant population growth on the local level can develop more exclusionary and anti-immigrant attitudes.

Given NJ-10’s moderate growth in foreign-born populations as well as Hispanic/Latino and Asian populations, this district can experience a slight increase in the development of hostile attitudes and harsher reception towards these immigrant groups from the native-born population. The existence of a black majority in NJ-10 that experienced a more significant decline in population can be highlighted as a native-born group that may develop more anti-immigrant attitudes compared to whites or other races. In addition, the presence of increasing economic competition between working-class blacks and immigrant groups can be attributed to the development of increasingly hostile attitudes from African Americans towards immigrant groups. This demonstrates the greater effect of the local influence of immigrant population growth, as individual exposure to immigrant groups in local communities can cause more hostile attitudes despite only a moderate growth of the immigrant population in the district. Media influence can also be affected by population characteristics in NJ-10, where Spanish-language media is present and available in local communities. These news stations include UniMas, Telemundo, and Television, providing a variety of broadcast options for local immigrant groups. The presence of Spanish media allows for Hispanic/Latino groups to gain exposure to news reporting that discusses immigration in a more positive tone, and portrays different perspective and views on immigration compared to American national and local news stations. Despite the minimal predicted increase in perceived threat and hostile attitudes towards immigrant groups in NJ-10, sudden demographic changes on the local-level along with salient national rhetoric can bring more exclusionary attitudes and opposition to undocumented immigrants residing in the US (Hopkins, 2010). A declining black population combined with increasing Asian and Hispanic/Latino populations can influence more exclusionary attitudes at a greater effect than just the slight foreign-born population increase. The existence of salient rhetoric in national media portrayal of immigration can contribute to the development of these attitudes.

In order to examine the predicted effects of slight/moderate foreign-born population growth on native-born attitudes, I will construct a research plan to analyze state and district-level survey data to observe the salience of increasing anti-immigrant attitudes. In this data, I will create a rating system based on general perception of immigrant groups from native-born populations, in addition to distinguishing different levels of perceived threat in economic competition. I will make two comparisons on the perceptions of immigration, comparing the white alone population in NJ-10 with the black population. I will also compare the effect on both state and individual/local contexts, distinguishing between perceptions of immigration in New Jersey as a whole and perceptions based on experiences and local exposure to immigrant groups in NJ-10. In this analysis I hope to further measure the prevalence of increasing exclusionary attitudes from native-born populations towards immigrant groups, and specifically examining the differences in perception between native-born subpopulations (whites and blacks).

NJ-10: Donald Payne Jr.

Link to full presentation: https://docs.google.com/presentation/d/1rqiSn0HPYLn9JNr3HHCwDfhuVur5xX8pzL3EDXvSZXA/edit?usp=sharing

This slide outlines the 2008-2018 election results for New Jersey’s 10th Congressional District. This features Donald M. Payne, who was the member of Congress from 1989 until he passed away in 2012, and his son Donald Payne Jr. who became his successor in 2012. In 2008 and 2010, Payne won the Congressional District race with 98.9% and 85.2% of the vote, respectively. From 2012 to 2018, Donald Payne Jr. won the election consistently receiving between 85% and 87% of the vote, a similar margin of victory to that of his father in 2010. This congressional district has historically been a predominantly blue region in New Jersey, and the election results illustrate landslide victories from both Payne and Payne Jr. that demonstrate the overwhelming Democratic support. This statistic can be reinforced by the fact that this Congressional District also has a majority Black/African-American population of over 50%, and African-Americans in general have been closely linked to the Democratic party.

Slide 2 examines research discussing the effects of electorate context and district population demographics on voting towards certain types of immigration policies. In their study titled, “Partisanship or Population? House and Senate immigration votes in the 109th and 110th Congresses”, Jason Casellas and David Leal analyze the presence of certain causal mechanisms that may explain voting patterns on immigration policies. Casellas and Leal examined congressional voting on a variety of immigration bills, including restrictive and comprehensive bills. While competition between African-Americans and Latinos is theorized as a factor that can influence immigration-related policymaking, the authors concluded that there was no real evidence of economic competition existing between African-Americans and Latino, and it had no significant impact on voting decisions for immigration policy (Casellas, 2013).

As a continuation from slide 2, this slide discusses the significance of Casellas’ study with regards to New Jersey’s 10th Congressional District. With a racial makeup of 52.7% of the population being African-American and 17.6% being Hispanic, this Congressional District can be examined as an example of the theory suggesting competition and tension between these two racial groups. However, following the Casellas study it can be predicted that these demographic makeup will not have an influence on whether immigration policy voting will be more restrictive or more comprehensive. I think that while the Casellas and Leal study provides evidence for the insignificance of certain demographic factors like racial competition, I think that it is worth examining the potential cultural tension that might exist in the specific region of New Jersey’s 10th Congressional District, which includes major cities such as Newark and Orange. This district has a 30% foreign-born population, half of which come from Latin America. With a strong Latino immigrant presence existing alongside a strong native African-American presence, the measure of how much influence these possible tensions might have can be put into question.

The last slide examines Donald Payne Jr.’s records of bill sponsorship and cosponsorship, in addition to his voting record on bills. While Payne Jr. has either sponsored or cosponsored 1,369 bills, only 34 of these bills were related to immigration. Payne has additionally voted on 2 immigration-related policies, voting in support of more funding directly tied to the Department of Homeland Security, of which he is a House committee member. Payne Jr.’s website illustrates the types of policies and issues he focuses on, and immigration not being an issue highlighted on his website supports how it isn’t viewed as a priority issue in the NJ-10 Congressional District, despite a higher foreign-born population compared to the New Jersey average. Payne Jr.’s tweet history also correlates with patterns of quietness regarding immigration, and only 3 of his 74 tweets since January include any mention of immigration or immigration-related issues.

White House: DACA benefits ‘illegal immigrants en masse’

This week’s readings discuss the issues surrounding immigrant illegality status and the effects of political discretion on the immigration option of Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, or DACA. Gonzales (2018) studies the experiences of DACA beneficiaries while transitioning from being undocumented to gaining DACA. When examining the trajectories of DACA beneficiaries, Gonzales found differences in the experiences of those who received DACA at different stages in the transition to adulthood. While young undocumented immigrants who obtained DACA status experienced an “immediate and positive” effect and followed an educational trajectory, older undocumented people also experienced a positive trajectory in “reviving abandoned aims” from blocked transitions before DACA was in place (Gonzales, 2018).

In an article from 2018, the White House criticized DACA for “benefitting illegal immigrants en masse” following an earlier decision from the Supreme Court to dismiss the Trump administration’s effort to scale back on DACA. White House press secretary Raj Shah called the program “unlawful” and argued for the case to be heard by the judicial body. With DACA being heavily debated in Congress, this sparks questions regarding the underlying motives of those arguing against DACA. Is the argument against DACA focused on the constitutionality of the program itself, or opposition towards the benefits that it’s helping illegal immigrants to receive? In addition, how can DACA beneficiaries gain a better understanding of the timeline/possibility of DACA’s termination given Trump’s efforts to strike it down?

https://thehill.com/homenews/administration/375603-wh-response-to-scotus-clearly-illegal-daca-program-benefits-illegal

 

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