Author: Doris Li

CA27: Judy Chu’s Limited View on Immigration Policy

Summary: Congresswoman Judy Chu advertises herself as a strong advocate of immigration issues and rights; however, she does not address a prevalent issue in her district: gentrification and in influx of wealthy Asian immigrants. Although she is an Asian American herself, her voter base still rests upon the support of whites, Latinos, and blacks/African Americans, who are becoming directly affected by the increasing housing prices. They are slowing being displaced; thus, the racial and socioeconomic diversity of the area has diminished. Chu should address this issue directly in her campaigns, in an effort to both help diversify the area and to gain more support from the non-Asian community.

 

CA27: Judy Chu’s Limited View on Immigration Policy

Last week, Chris Gadsden, former Jersey City Councilman, composed a letter to city development in response to gentrification in the local area. He expressed his concern with the new build plans, stating that they are too exclusive and that the private structures imply that the surrounding neighborhood is too poor to reside there and that they are simply “not wanted.”

What happened to Gadsden is not unique to New Jersey; this issue is prevalent nationally, particularly on the coasts of the US where immigration rates are the highest. The San Gabriel Valley has seen a large influx of Asian immigrants since the past decade and consequently, has brought along a side dish of gentrification. In California district 27, the effect of gentrification has negatively impacted the area by reducing racial and economic diversity there and encouraging an environment of hostility towards immigrants.

Congresswoman Judy Chu, who advertises herself as a strong supporter of immigration and advocate of immigration issues, should focus her lens on not only issues at the border and re-uniting families, but also on the gentrification issue, which affects immigrants in the district more directly and immediately. This is real and personal to many, which may, in turn, affect her election results in the future if no action is being done about this.

In 2007, the SGV, which was roughly equivalent to CA26 at that time, had a foreign-born population of 23.4%, with the racial demographic being the following: 58.2% White, 18.0% Asian, 4.5% Black or African American, and generally, 28.8% Latino or Hispanic. A decade later, the demographics have changed with the increase in immigration to that area; the immigrant population has increased by 15.2 percentage points, in which the Asian population has grown the most at 10.5 percentage points. The African American population has stayed stagnant, and both the white and Hispanic populations decreased (18.9 pp and 0.8 pp, respectively).

Indeed, more immigrants make up district CA27; however, isn’t strange how the Asian community blew up while the Hispanic and black immigrant populations barely changed? Now, more than ever, the Asian immigrants that reside in the district include Chinese entrepreneurs, already wealthy prior to immigrating. Thus, gentrification commences. In 2009, the Zillow Home Index in Arcadia, a city within the San Gabriel Valley, averaged to around $678,000, whereas in 2017, the average rose to $1.03 million. There is a starking $352,000 difference throughout the decade, which can be attributed to the increasing demand for both space and better living conditions in the city. Mansionization is a highly debated issue in Arcadia, where modest houses are being replaced by mansions at an alarming rate and to the point where there are mansions sandwiched by significantly smaller houses (and vice versa). What happens to those who can’t afford or keep up with the heavy increase in value of homes? Unsurprisingly, they are forced to move out.

Jackelyn Hwang and Robert J. Sampson, in “Divergent Pathways of Gentrifìcation: Racial Inequality and the Social Order of Renewal in Chicago Neighborhood”, find that the pace of gentrification in Chicago had a negative relationship with the concentration of blacks and Latinos (Hwang and Sampson 2014). Perhaps the reason why the numbers haven’t changed with respect to those populations is due to gentrification in the area. Looking at economic statuses in 2012, Asians made an average annual income of around $76,000, whereas blacks and Latinos both made roughly $45,000 annually in California. With this, immigrants of lower socioeconomic backgrounds struggle to support themselves and others in areas of rapidly increasing housing prices, and effectively, emigrate to other surrounding areas.

Indeed, the physical living conditions of wealthy immigrants improves while the lives of those who are less affluent begin to deteriorate. However, immigrant experiences as a whole, regardless of wealth begin to depreciate as more immigrants enter an area. According to Daniel Hopkins, in “Politicized Places: Explaining Where and When Immigrants Provoke Local Opposition”, as immigration increases in importance and relevance as an issue, there is a higher chance for immigrants in an area with changing demographics to be faced with hostility from natives (Hopkins 2010). If immigration in general triggers negative responses from the native population, isn’t it natural that gentrification will worsen this hostility? In Arcadia, the mansionization phenomenon has received major backlash from the natives; they argue that it disrupts the visuals and historical values in the city.

In a study done by Timothy Shortell, in his work The World in Brooklyn: Gentrification, Immigration, and Ethnic Politics in a Global City and reviewed by Nazgol Bagheri, uncovers that local politics and schools “favors gentrifiers’ interests over that of the original residents” (Bagheri 2013). With this, gentrification and immigration becomes a rather political issue, with the two opposing “parties” being the natives and the wealthy immigrants. As mentioned before, the average annual income for Asians was $76,000, which surpassed the average income for whites (approximately $69,000). With this, tensions arise between the two groups, as some policymakers may appeal to where the money is.

Representative Judy Chu, as an Asian-American woman, descriptively represents the Asian (immigrant) community better than the white native population. Although the majority of the population of the district is indeed Asian, there is still a considerable number of whites and most positions held in city councils within the district are still held by white Americans. Thus, Chu, although she has been winning safely in the recent elections, may face more and more backlash from the population affected by gentrification.

Ultimately, what this paper argues for is not that Chu should discourage wealthy Asians from immigrating to the San Gabriel Valley. Rather, there should be policy changes in the way wealth imbalances affect the community as a whole. Mansionization, for example, should be allowed only in specific areas of a city, and perhaps opening up programs to help support the less affluent immigrants would help increase diversity both ethnically and financially.

CA27 Media Analysis

Slide 1: This first slide outlines the hypotheses that will be tested for the project. Branton and Dunway, in their work “Spatial Proximity to the U.S.-Mexico Border and Newspaper Coverage of Immigration Issues,” find that an area with a Latino population of over 25%, then media coverage of Latino immigration will be less than a district with a Latino population of under 25%. They also find that the closer a district is to the U.S.-Mexico border, the more likely it is to have negative media coverage of Latino immigration (Branton and Dunway 2009). With this, the media sources being compared are a news media local to CA27 (Pasadena Star News) and a media source belonging to a district nearer to the border and one that has a lower Latino population percentage (CA52 – KUSI News). We thus hypothesize that Pasadena Star News should have less media coverage of the Latino population and should be less negative than that of KUSI News. Additionally, Abrajano and Hajnal, in White Blacklash: Immigration, Race, and American Politics, conclude that media coverage of immigration increases as the foreign born population increases. Since both districts saw a steady rise in immigration since 10 years ago (by at least 7 percentage points for each district), we can expect that there should be an increase in media coverage in immigration for both media sources.

Slide 2: The second slide primarily outlines the research plans and coding rules for analysis. The selection of articles will be from December 11, 2018 to January 31, 2019, as it will cover the entirety of the government shutdown. As most of the hypotheses focus on Latino immigration, most of the articles selected will be related to Latino immigration. Key terms that will be used to search for articles will include: “shutdown”, “Latino”, “immigration/immigrant”, and “border.” In terms of tone and attitudes of the articles, I will be inspecting word choices of the author and determining whether they point towards a specific emotion; for example, the sentence “there is an invasion at the border” constitutes as negative because of the choice of “invasion.” I will also be using an online tone analyzer to eliminate as much bias and human error as possible. To determine framing, I will analyze how the author describes immigration and if any analogies are used; I will also look at how the author frames immigrants (are they beneficial or harmful to society?). The selection process will be as random as possible. I will select articles that come up from the search results for each term and run them through an tone analysis. At the end, I plan to have analyzed at least 60 articles from the news sources.

Slide 3: This slide highlights the results that emerged from the research from the previous slide. Through the tone analyzer, I found that the most common tones from Pasadena Star News articles were “analytical” and “confident” and for KUSI were “sadness”, “analytical”, and neutral / no tone. Looking at the variety of media, Pasadena Star News had occasional political cartoons criticizing the shutdown and President Trump’s plans to build a wall, and its articles humanize and sympathize with immigrants. From this, I concluded that the tone of the Pasadena Star News articles / media was fairly positive and supportive of immigration and Latino immigrants. KUSI News, similarly, had a mostly sympathetic tone, as its most common tone was “sadness”, then “analytic”, and finally neutral. Ultimately, these tones do not point significantly towards a negative tone; thus, we cannot conclude that being closer to the border leads to more negative media coverage of Latino immigration. Furthermore, I calculated how many search results came up for Latino immigration / immigrants, and the results for both Pasadena Star News and KUSI were similar (30 results for Pasadena Star News and 25 from KUSI News). CA27 has a Latino population of 28% and CA52 has a Latino population of 14.3%. Thus, there is no sufficient evidence to conclude that areas with a Latino population of higher than 25% has less coverage of Latino immigration. Spreading out, analyzing all the search results for immigration in general gave an indication that there has been in increase in media coverage of immigration as immigration increases. However, the media has not necessarily become negative, as the tone of both media sources are neutral to positive / sympathetic.

Slide 4: The last slide wraps up and concludes the research on the slides above. Ultimately, the first and second hypotheses were not supported with data, while part of the third hypothesis was supported. Thus, the size of the Latino population and the distance from the U.S.-Mexico border do not indicate the tone or abundance of media coverage on Latino immigration. Perhaps the location of this study affects the results; California is extremely diverse and quite liberal and is considered a hotspot for immigrants. From this, there may be confounding variables that affect media tones and attitudes of immigration. There may be other, more compelling, variables that influence media coverage of immigration, such as size of foreign-born population and size of democratic party.

CA27 Population Demographics

Slide 1: This slide covers the population makeup of California District 27. The foreign-born population of CA27 is fairly high, at 38.6%, compared the to national percentage at 13.7%. The largest subgroup of people in the district is white (non-Hispanic), at 39.3%, but the Asian population is close behind, at 38.5%. The Hispanic population is at 28%, still higher than the national statistic (17.6%). The smallest population group is black, at 4.5%. Ten years ago, the statistics were vastly different, in which the immigrant population was 19.7 percentage points lower than in 2017. Supporting this, the white population was much higher (16.3 pp higher) and the Asian population was much less (-26.1pp). Surprisingly, the Hispanic population was higher by 13.3 percentage points in 2007 than in 2017. Throughout the decade, there has been a steady incline of immigrants; thus, the population has morphed into one that is in higher concentration of immigrants, more specifically, the Asian population. The black and African American population stayed fairly stagnant at roughly 4%. Overall, the district has become more diverse as immigration has increased throughout the years, and has proved to house people of all origins harmoniously.

Slide 2: The second slide covers literature and research that studies the relationship between changing demographics and immigrant experiences, media coverage of immigration, and public opinion on immigration/immigrants. Daniel Hopkins, in “Politicized Places: Explaining Where and When Immigrants Provoke Local Opposition,” largely finds that as immigration increases in importance and relevance as an issue, there will be a higher chance for immigrants in an area with changing demographics to be faced with hostility from natives. He even finds that with a 8 percentage point increase in immigration, the chance of anti-immigrant proposal becoming considered doubles. Due to this, immigrant experiences may be quite negative in an area with increasing immigration, as natives become adverse with the increasing numbers. Abrajano and Hajnal, in White Blacklash: Immigration, Race, and American Politics, give reason for this in their work, stating that many see immigrants (Latino specifically) as dangerous, a burden to social welfare, and people who steal jobs from natives. Abrajano and Hajnal also study media coverage on immigration and immigrants, and conclude that the New York Times tended to cover immigration much more as the issue issue became more salient in the area. They find that the news coverage was mostly negative at 49% negative and only 12% positive and that it tended to focus on the Latino population. Branton and Dunway, in “Spatial Proximity to the U.S.-Mexico Border and Newspaper Coverage of Immigration Issues,” dove deeper into this, stating that news coverage near the border tends to focus on Latino immigration and typically feature the negative and illegal aspects of it. Media coverage affects public opinion, and Abrajano and Hajnal hypothesize that as immigration increases and a tendency for whites to view immigrants negatively, there will be white backlash and a greater support for the Republican Party. Because of this, there may be stricter immigration laws and more support for border enforcement and interior enforcement (Wong 2014). In general, there will be an increase in support for restrictive immigration laws.

Slide 3: This slide highlights the predictions that I make about district CA27 based off the literature from the previous slide. Because CA27 has increased in immigrants, we can predict that there will be white backlash and some of the immigrant population will be met with hostility. However, Abrajano and Hajnal’s findings rest on the assumption that natives view the Latino population quite negatively. The Latino population has decreased in size within the past decade, so there is no guarantee that the immigrant population in general will be met with hostility. In fact, Asian immigrants are generally seen more positively (Wong 2017) so we may see a different response than Abrajano and Hajnal have predicted. According to Abrajano and Hajnal, media coverage on immigration should be fairly negative, as the immigrant population has increased significantly. Thus, we predict that the tone of the articles should be quite hostile. Additionally, the focus should be on the Latino population. According to Abrajano and Hajnal, there should be white backlash against the increasing immigration population; however, the white population is only slightly above a third of the total population in district CA27 so there may not be backlash in the volume that Abrajano and Hajnal predict in their paper. Likewise, there should be support of the Republican Party from the white population, but due to the volume of the foreign-born population, the Democratic Party may be stronger. The chance that a restrictive immigration policy will be proposed if higher, but it will most likely not pass due to the Democratic representative and high immigrant population.

Slide 4: The last slide outlines a research plan to test the media coverage in district CA27. Since we are covering media coverage on the January government shutdown, the time period to search for articles should be within slightly before and after the shutdown. This will also give time to analyze the effects and potential backlash on the issue. Thus, the search period will be within late December and early February. Since we are searching for media on immigration, key search terms will include immigration, immigrant, border, wall, Mexico, and more. I will be judging tone based off the word choice in the articles (i.e. how they are connotated and what emotions they elicit in the reader) and whether the outlook on immigration in general is negative or positive. Framing will be determined based off whether the media is focused on a certain group of immigrants and whether they frame immigration issues as very important or minor. Lastly, I will be looking at salience of immigration by searching how many times immigration appears in a media source within a week and compare it to other topics covered by the source. The two media sources I plan to look at are NBC News Los Angeles and the Los Angeles Times. Both news sources cover the Los Angeles area and greater, which encompasses district CA27. I use both articles and videos to fully encapsulate the tone, attitudes, and framing of immigration from the media. Both are neutral or slightly left-leaning, so there should be little political bias involved.

A ‘Mainstreaming Of Bigotry’ As White Extremism Reveals Its Global Reach

Marisa Abrajano and Zoltan L. Hajnal, in their work “White Backlash: Immigration, Race, and American Politics”, analyze white Americans and their party identifications and voting decisions and through this, propose a question: what are the consequences of immigration for white Americans political attitude? Abrajano and Hajnal identify a contradiction in that there is a movement towards greater equality and acceptance of racial, ethnic, and religious differences, yet there are also heightened ethnic divisions and tensions due to immigration (e.g. rise in hate speech and crime against immigrants). Ultimately, the pair conclude that white backlash leads to greater white support for the Republican Party, which tends to advocate for restrictive immigration policy.

The article below outlines details of the recent shooting in New Zealand. In particular, it focuses on white-supremacists and identifies the shooter as one who targeted his attacks towards immigrants. This event is an example of a consequence of what Abrajano and Hajnal describe as “white backlash,” and President Trump’s lack of attention to the rise of right-wing supremacy only serves to fuel these actions as he continues to call immigration an “invasion at the US-Mexico border.”

Discussion Questions:

  1. According to Abrajano and Hajnal, one of the influencing factors of white backlash is the belief that immigrants are “dangerous.” In the New Zealand shooting, the white supremacist was the attacker and the immigrants were the victims. What do you think of this flipped scenario, and do you think that it is fair that white supremacists label immigrants as criminals?
  2. Hate speech is dealt with in a much more ambiguous way than physical attacks are. What constitutes as hate speech and how should the government respond to it (if it should at all) while still respecting our first amendment rights?
  3. Do you think that the president’s remarks on immigration are increasing white backlash? If so, should he be held accountable in any way?

https://www.npr.org/2019/03/16/704125736/a-mainstreaming-of-bigotry-as-white-extremism-reveals-its-global-reach

CA27 – Judy Chu

Link to Slides: https://docs.google.com/presentation/d/1jtf2NLJmqmaf7_6FAn3ervp9WYMEFYEzyYm2G_d9SPM/edit?usp=sharing

Slide 1:

Former congressman Brad Sherman served (officially) from 1997-2013. As a congressman, he advocated strongly for issues regarding taxes, the economy, and education. While he does not prioritize immigration as one of his main issues, he explicitly expresses his support to defund President Trump’s agenda and attacks his travel ban. From 2008-2013, Sherman has been able to win re-election fairly easily, with a wide margin of roughly 30-40% each time. Following Sherman in office, Congresswoman Judy Chu is district 27’s current representative and the first Chinese American elected to Congress. Chu tends to focus on education, the environment, and immigration. She, as opposed to Sherman, is very vocal about her outlook on immigration, as she expresses her desire for immigration reform. Since 2013, Chu has won re-election by a wide margin of victory: around 30-60%.  

Slide 2:

The median voter theorem acts as basis for the how different compositions of a district’s population affects the way a representative votes on immigration policies. The “median voter” is measured on a right-left political scale and represents how the majority of the district will vote. Wong argues that a Member of Congress will try and appeal to the median voter in order to gain the most votes and win an election. Wong then proceeds to predict how percentages of the foreign born population affect the median voter, and effectively, how the MC will vote. He concludes that a high foreign born population will lead to a lower likelihood that the MC will support restrictive immigration bills. Similarly, a high naturalized citizen population will also lead to the same result. Regarding interior enforcement, Wong states that population with high percentages of Latinos and Asians in a district will lead to a lower chance that the representative will support interior enforcement. He admits, however, the one of the strongest indications of how a representative will vote depends on partisanship. Wong delves deeper into analysis and hypothesizes that in particular, a high Latino population even decreases a republican MC’s chance of voting against interior enforcement, while a high Asian population has the opposite effect on republican representatives.  

Slide 3:

Using the theories from the previous slide, we can predict how members of congress in California District 27 will vote. The foreign born population in CA27 is 38.6%, a higher percentage than the national percentage (17.8%) and state percentage (27.0%). Thus, we can expect that the MC will be less likely to support restrictive immigration policies. Similarly, the Latino population and Asian population (28.0% and 38.%, respectively) in the district is fairly high and is also greater than the national statistic (17.6% and 5.4%, respectively); thus, we can predict that an democratic MC will be less likely to vote for interior enforcement. Ultimately, partisanship also affects how a MC will vote. For the past 18 years, those who have held the house seat in CA27 have been democratic, so one would expect that the district is fairly liberal (also, based off the election results from the slide 1, democrats have won by a large margin). We can also predict this with Wong’s prediction about the median voter theorem. Chu is more liberal than 86% of the house and has an ideology score of -0.488. Thus, we can reaffirm that the median voter in this district is also just as liberal.

Slide 4:

Chu’s voting record is consistent with her party, in that she typically votes in accordance with however the democratic party votes. Regarding immigration, she tends to sponsor bills that support immigration or block presidential actions that restrict immigration flow and votes for bills that support immigration reform. Both her website and twitter handles reinforce Chu’s backing for immigration, in which they clearly outline her opinions on this subject. For example, her website lists the immigration policies she supports, including DREAM Act and POWER Act and recent press articles on Chu’s interactions with immigration policy, including blocking President Trump’s National Emergency. Since January of 2019, roughly 67% of all her tweets address immigration. She criticizes republicans and President Trump for “falsely insisting that immigrants are dangerous” (Feb 11) and rebukes with tweets defending immigrants (“Immigration is not a threat” (Jan 29)). Her social media and voting record reinforces the prediction made previously that she tends to vote against restrictive immigration policies.

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