Author: Connor McCarthy

The Influence Party Affiliation Has on Media Coverage At the State and District Level in Iowa

News outlets provide the public with up to date and reliable information regarding current events in America as well as internationally.  However, although news organizations are encouraged to convey information as matter-of-fact, the inherent structure of such institutions provide clear motives to produce biased stories.  When considering the media in the republican state of Iowa, it is imperative that we put their reportings into context as opposed to reviewing their stories independent from existing conditions.  More specifically, when analyzing the media through the lense of immigration, extant literature shows there is a tendency to exaggerate the stories in order to attain readers. As many news outlets are privately held entities, just like companies in other industries, there is a fundamental impulse to maximize profit.  In Regina Branton and Johanna Dunaway’s spacial-economic understanding of media slanting, they contend that news organizations release their stories in order to attain viewership and thus “news is produced in the manner that is most pleasing to audiences” (Branton, 259). In which direction this slant leans is dependent on one’s spatial proximity to the border.  However, when discussing the state of reporting in Iowa, although relatively far from our southern neighbor Mexico, I would predict their stories would cater to their republican citizens. Echoed through extant research is the understanding that party affiliation has the strongest effect on immigrant ideology. Thus, grounded in the belief that “Republican legislators are significantly more likely than Democratic legislators are to vote for restrictive immigration-related legislation,” states with republicans majorities would likely experience rhetoric with right-winged sentiment (Wong, 16).  The fourth district of Iowa, which has encountered multiple redistrictings over the years, has elected a republican representative since its inception dating back to 2012. Furthermore, Steve King has served as the incumbent during this time and has adopted far-right policies and beliefs during his tenure.  An avid supporter of Trump’s declaration for a wall, King was even removed from the federal Judiciary and Agricultural committees following his white supremist remarks. Having mobilized such a support base for nearly twenty years, and boasting the largest margin of victory of any district in the last election, King’s followers clearly back a similar republican viewpoint (Ballotpedia).  Although the 2nd district elected a democratic congressman, by a slim margin no less, the 1st and 3rd districts have republican representatives as well. In analyzing news articles from the the Gazette and and The Sioux City Journal (SCJ) I hypothesize that the republican majority across the state will result in a distortion of the media as it relates to immigration slanted in the republicans favor.  Furthermore, there may be a more extreme bias throughout the Sioux City Journal pieces than the Gazette articles.

To better understand this relationship between partisanship and media coverage, I will analyze the Gazette and the Sioux City Journal.  I chose these two newspapers to gauge the temperament of the Iowa population pertaining to the government shutdown and the debate between Trump and congress about funding for the border wall.  Across multiple websites the Gazette is cited as the most popular news outlet for Iowans to access stories statewide. However, this material may not be representative of the feelings towards this issue specific to King’s district.  Thus, I will also analyze stories released by the Sioux City Journal which produces the most read reports from the local area around Sioux City, within King’s district lines. Although cities tend to lean more democratic in nature, the SCJ should still give us insight into the 4th districts opinion on these matters.  During this study I will simply examine the top ten articles which I find while googling about the government shutdown for each respective outlet. While evaluating these two organizations, I set up some variables in order to quantify partisanship to some extent so I could more effectively compare the two as well as construe some larger meaning.  These variables include the frequency of buzzwords use to invoke a sense of fear or anxiety, the party affiliation of each respective reporter as well as those who are interviewed in each piece in addition to a qualitative account of the material at large. Utilizing these metrics, I will test the hypothesis that the party affiliation of readers influences the media to publish slanted stories.

While reviewing the articles released around the time of the the government shutdown, though both sides of the argument were acknowledged, there is a hint of republican preference among the stories.  Throughout all of the articles, both the Gazette and Sioux City Journal, journalists commonly detail the limitations this shutdown has imposed, citing the number of workers out of a job as well as listing the government agencies that are low on funding.  However, especially in the SCJ, reporters shape the issue as a common inefficiency of the government as opposed to being caused by an impractical stubbornness on behalf of the president. This news organization also shows a tendency to belittle this issue.  For example, while outlining the number of workers out of a job, Erin Murphy of the SJC reported that “Iowa’s leaders insist state programs are not in immediate danger” (Murphy).  Republican senate majority Leader Jack Whitver explained how they will continue to monitor the status of the federal government and the related issues “but [that] none of those [issues] has arisen to the point where there’s any action ready to be taken” (Murphy).  What is also interesting is the number of republicans and democrats who were represented in these news articles. For the SCJ, of the ten articles I examined, all but one exclusively interviewed republicans. In the one article they mentioned a democrat, it was in reference to Nancy Pelosi’s accusation that Trump is using the aura of the wall funding to divert attention from the Mueller investigation.  However for every disparaging remark about Trump, there was plenty of counter-arguments supporting Trump’s request for $5 billion dollars of funding and dismissing the imminent danger that the longest government shutdown in history has presented. In another article, the Republican senator Lindsey Graham’s tweet was quoted saying “Mr. President, declare a national emergency NOW. Build a wall NOW” (Lemire et al.).  The support for Trump’s eagerness to defend the border was also supported by White House senior adviser Stephen Miller in a SCJ story when he said, “we’re going to do whatever is necessary to build the border wall to stop this ongoing crisis of illegal immigration” (Hayworth). The Gazette, while also pushing this republican narrative, did display a willingness to promote the democratic side of the story as well. Throughout their interpretations of the situation in the White House, they frequently displayed the disagreement between Trump and congress as a ‘national crisis’ and something that needs to be figured out as soon as possible.  In Nicholas Johnson’s article, he critiqued the Trump administration’s push for a large wall on the border and believed that they should focus on the cause of the problem as opposed to simply building a wall. In Mehaffey’s work, she quoted Ken Runde, the U.S. Marshal for the Northern District of Iowa as complaining how “it’s unfair to the employees who have to work without pay,” shedding light to the real life financial struggles these federal workers were experiencing (Mehaffey).  The link between the politics of immigration and the struggle this shutdown posed to government agencies who struggled to serve people in need was made more clearly in the Gazette’s articles.

While reviewing the articles released around the time of the the government shutdown, though both sides of the argument were acknowledged, there is a hint of republican preference among the stories.  Throughout all of the articles, both the Gazette and Sioux City Journal, journalists commonly detail the limitations this shutdown has imposed, citing the number of workers out of a job as well as listing the government agencies that are low on funding.  However, especially in the SCJ, reporters shape the issue as a common inefficiency of the government as opposed to being caused by an impractical stubbornness on behalf of the president. This news organization also shows a tendency to belittle this issue.  For example, while outlining the number of workers out of a job, Erin Murphy of the SJC reported that “Iowa’s leaders insist state programs are not in immediate danger” (Murphy).  Republican senate majority Leader Jack Whitver explained how they will continue to monitor the status of the federal government and the related issues “but [that] none of those [issues] has arisen to the point where there’s any action ready to be taken” (Murphy).  What is also interesting is the number of republicans and democrats who were represented in these news articles. For the SCJ, of the ten articles I examined, all but one exclusively interviewed republicans. In the one article they mentioned a democrat, it was in reference to Nancy Pelosi’s accusation that Trump is using the aura of the wall funding to divert attention from the Mueller investigation.  However for every disparaging remark about Trump, there was plenty of counter-arguments supporting Trump’s request for $5 billion dollars of funding and dismissing the imminent danger that the longest government shutdown in history has presented. In another article, the Republican senator Lindsey Graham’s tweet was quoted saying “Mr. President, declare a national emergency NOW. Build a wall NOW” (Lemire et al.).  The support for Trump’s eagerness to defend the border was also supported by White House senior adviser Stephen Miller in a SCJ story when he said, “we’re going to do whatever is necessary to build the border wall to stop this ongoing crisis of illegal immigration” (Hayworth). The Gazette, while also pushing this republican narrative, did display a willingness to promote the democratic side of the story as well. Throughout their interpretations of the situation in the White House, they frequently displayed the disagreement between Trump and congress as a ‘national crisis’ and something that needs to be figured out as soon as possible.  In Nicholas Johnson’s article, he critiqued the Trump administration’s push for a large wall on the border and believed that they should focus on the cause of the problem as opposed to simply building a wall. In Mehaffey’s work, she quoted Ken Runde, the U.S. Marshal for the Northern District of Iowa as complaining how “it’s unfair to the employees who have to work without pay,” shedding light to the real life financial struggles these federal workers were experiencing (Mehaffey).  The link between the politics of immigration and the struggle this shutdown posed to government agencies who struggled to serve people in need was made more clearly in the Gazette’s articles.

Immigration and the Influence of Media in the 4th District of Iowa

Slide 1:

Racially, Iowa is an overwhelmingly uniform state, and Steve King’s 4th district is no different.  White individuals comprise 91.9% of the state’s population, and only 2.3% of the fourth district is represented by the Asian-Americans and 1.5% by the black community (Census).  In a separate category, the Census breaks down that 7.1% of the population is Hispanic or Latino, of any race (Census). Furthermore, 5.3% of the population is comprised of foreign born individuals (Census).  The 4th district of Iowa has been redistricted multiple times since 2000, which in turn makes it difficult to gauge an accurate percent change of immigrants as well as racial makeup of the 4th district specifically from 2007 to 2017.  However, more broadly, over the last nine years, nearly 40% of the state’s population growth has been immigrants, which shows the accelerating growth of this group which can be applied to the 4th district (Lynch). Given the statewide trends, it is likely that the immigrant population in the redistricted 4th district has also increased significantly.  The median wage is $55,496, which would place the majority of the population into the lower middle class category. Both the population size as well as increasing change in immigrant population are correlated with more conservative views among whites, which is discussed throughout the remaining slides.

Slide 2:

Given that the media’s coverage of immigration is a major driver for public opinion on immigration which in turn dictates immigrant experiences, I will discuss the existing literature in this order.  It is no secret that news outlets tend to adopt a negative view on immigration, since the 1960s, they have highlighted the apparent overwhelming crime of immigrants and the strain on public resources that they pose.  But why? News outlets should provide the public with “information sufficient for use in the evaluation of matters of policy and governance” in an objective manner, not present a slanted view on specific issues (Branton, 257).  However, as Branton analyzes in his article, there are economic benefits for news outlets to produce stories pushing a certain narrative. Although the idea of an impartial press is universally encouraged, profit maximizing news organizations are cognisant of the demands of their consumers who prefer polarizing and ideologically slanted stories (Branton, 259).  Furthermore, given that many of these groups are owned by larger corporations which inherently adopt republican views, their stories reflect that ideology. In the context of immigration, if the news organization perceive their audience to be geared towards sensational and negative stories, there is an incentive for news outlets to “slant coverage in accordance with their perceptions about the preferences of their clientele” (Branton, 267).  Thus, we are likely to “see [a] negative slant in coverage of immigration” (Branton, 259).  This rationale is reflected in Emily Farris’ study, where she analyzed immigration images from three major news magazines.  In her research, she found that although only ¼ of immigrants are undocumented, more than half of the images in their dataset portrayed illegal aliens held captive in detention centers or attempting to cross the border illegally (Farris). The representation of the “Latino threat,” a false reality, reinforces the public’s preconceived notions and has shown the ability to “shift white voters toward the Republican Party,” adopting an anti-immigrant ideology (Farris).  The manipulation of public perception shining immigration in a negative light fosters resentment and anxiety towards the inclusion of foreign born individuals.  Abrajano warns that if “welfare, redistribution, and criminality dominate white views,” as it is publicized in the news, then immigrant relations with American citizens could mirror the backlash experienced by blacks in the past (Abrajano, 124).  Additionally, Sofya Aptekar speculated in her piece that representation of foreign born individuals may not be correlated with an increased immigrant population.  She observed that “half of the new Edison residents in the 1980s were Asian” however, they had little political representation regardless of their economic prosperity and increased population (Aptekar, 223).

Slide 3:

Given Iowa’s overwhelming Republican majority, it would be reasonable to believe that the bulk of media coverage regarding immigration would discuss restrictionist views.  As Branton contends, although Iowa is relatively far from the border which is theorized to decrease the prevalence of immigration in the news, the astounding Republican population will still influence news organizations “to print stories with a negative tone toward immigration” (Branton, 267).  There likely will be an overemphasis on “themes related to a threat narrative, particularly in regards to crime and illegality” (Farris). This persistent framing of the immigration debate indoctrinates viewers and leads them into the illegality trap, whereby inflating the “single-minded focus on undocumented immigration” develops into “the inability [for individuals] to shift this focus” (Farris).  As Republicans represent 92% of the counties in the fourth district, the already polarizing partisanship views on immigration are intensified by slanted stories in the media to foster negative feelings towards immigration (Almukhtar).  Steve King, congressman of the 4th district, advocates for the implementation of a border wall which reflects the views of his constituents.  This anxiety instilled in citizens about immigrants boosts opposition towards foreign born individuals. Furthermore, this attitude “toward Latino immigrants are quite negative and strongly associated with policy opinions” to the detriment of Latinos (Valentino, 154).  Given all this existing research based on media’s slanting of information and its effect on public opinion, one would logically conclude that immigrant experiences in Iowa’s 4th district would be one of oppression and marginalization. While this is true in many cases, it does not tell the full story.  Immigrant experiences often vary by race, as Aptekar discussed, the Asian immigrants in Edison were incredibly successful economically “they are much better off than whites in terms of socioeconomic status” however struggled politically (Aptekar, 235). Similarly, whites react very differently to an Asian American context compared to the Latino’s in that they view Asian immigrants as the “model minority and ally” (Abrajano, 152).  This is important in that whites believe Asian Americans are capable individuals and who are able to integrate into society, whereas “Latinos seem to be a real threat that whites counter with more restrictive and more punitive policy making” complicating their integration into society (Abrajano, 152).

Slide 4:

To test the prevalence of slanted news in the media, I will conduct a study to uncover the salience of framing and use of tone regarding immigration from the top three newspapers in Iowa.  Given that the Des Moines Register, The Gazette, and the Quad-City Times are the three most read newspapers in Iowa, according to Cision Media, I will conduct my research using these three outlets.  I will try to understand whether the theory of news organizations catering their material to the consumer’s preferences is true. To set the stage for this research, I will examine these newspapers from January 1-February 1, which should give me enough time to produce a reliable and applicable conclusion.  More specifically I will calculate the percent of immigration related stories from these three outlets, the number of buzzwords used to invoke a sense of fear or anxiety amongst the readers, and I will also attempt to figure out the demographic and party affiliation of each respective newspaper’s readers. From these variables, I hope to find whether or not newsgroups do in fact slant their stories in order to maximize their profit and in turn influence the public perception of immigrants in a negative way.  

Media’s Effect on Immigration in Iowa’s 4th District

Slide 1:

Racially, Iowa is an overwhelmingly uniform state, and Steve King’s 4th district is no different. White individuals comprise 91.9% of the state’s population, and only 2.3% of the fourth district is represented by the Asian-Americans and 1.5% by the black community (Census). In a separate category, the Census breaks down that 7.1% of the population is Hispanic or Latino, of any race (Census). Furthermore, 5.3% of the population is comprised of foreign born individuals (Census). The 4th district of Iowa has been redistricted multiple times since 2000, which in turn makes it difficult to gauge an accurate percent change of immigrants as well as racial makeup of the 4th district specifically from 2007 to 2017. However, more broadly, over the last nine years, nearly 40% of the state’s population growth has been immigrants, which shows the accelerating growth of this group which can be applied to the 4th district (Lynch). Given the statewide trends, it is likely that the immigrant population in the redistricted 4th district has also increased significantly. The median wage is $55,496, which would place the majority of the population into the lower middle class category. Both the population size as well as increasing change in immigrant population are correlated with more conservative views among whites, which is discussed throughout the remaining slides.

Slide 2:

Given that the media’s coverage of immigration is a major driver for public opinion on immigration which in turn dictates immigrant experiences, I will discuss the existing literature in this order. It is no secret that news outlets tend to adopt a negative view on immigration, since the 1960s, they have highlighted the apparent overwhelming crime of immigrants and the strain on public resources that they pose. But why? News outlets should provide the public with “information sufficient for use in the evaluation of matters of policy and governance” in an objective manner, not present a slanted view on specific issues (Branton, 257). However, as Branton analyzes in his article, there are economic benefits for news outlets to produce stories pushing a certain narrative. Although the idea of an impartial press is universally encouraged, profit maximizing news organizations are cognisant of the demands of their consumers who prefer polarizing and ideologically slanted stories (Branton, 259). Furthermore, given that many of these groups are owned by larger corporations which inherently adopt republican views, their stories reflect that ideology. In the context of immigration, if the news organization perceive their audience to be geared towards sensational and negative stories, there is an incentive for news outlets to “slant coverage in accordance with their perceptions about the preferences of their clientele” (Branton, 267). Thus, we are likely to “ see [a] negative slant in coverage of immigration” (Branton, 259). This rationale is reflected in Emily Farris’ study, where she analyzed immigration images from three major news magazines. In her research, she found that although only 1⁄4 of immigrants are undocumented, more than half of the images in their dataset portrayed illegal aliens held captive in detention centers or attempting to cross the border illegally (Farris). The representation of the “Latino threat,” a false reality, reinforces the public’s preconceived notions and has shown the ability to “ shift white voters toward the Republican Party,” adopting an anti-immigrant ideology (Farris). The manipulation of public perception shining immigration in a negative light fosters resentment and anxiety towards the inclusion of foreign born individuals. Abrajano warns that if “welfare, redistribution, and

criminality dominate white views,” as it is publicized in the news, then immigrant relations with American citizens could mirror the backlash experienced by blacks in the past (Abrajano, 124). Additionally, Sofya Aptekar speculated in her piece that representation of foreign born individuals may not be correlated with an increased immigrant population. She observed that “half of the new Edison residents in the 1980s were Asian” however, they had little political representation regardless of their economic prosperity and increased population (Aptekar, 223) .

Slide 3:

Given Iowa’s overwhelming Republican majority, it would be reasonable to believe that the bulk of media coverage regarding immigration would discuss restrictionist views. As Branton contends, although Iowa is relatively far from the border which is theorized to decrease the prevalence of immigration in the news, the astounding Republican population will still influence news organizations “to print stories with a negative tone toward immigration” (Branton, 267). There likely will be an overemphasis on “themes related to a threat narrative, particularly in regards to crime and illegality” (Farris). This persistent framing of the immigration debate indoctrinates viewers and leads them into the illegality trap, whereby inflating the “single-minded focus on undocumented immigration” develops into “the inability [for individuals] to shift this focus” (Farris). As Republicans represent 92% of the counties in the fourth district, the already polarizing partisanship views on immigration are intensified by slanted stories in the media to foster negative feelings towards immigration ( Almukhtar) . Steve King, congressman of the 4th district, advocates for the implementation of a border wall which reflects the views of his constituents. This anxiety instilled in citizens about immigrants boosts opposition towards foreign born individuals. Furthermore, this attitude “toward Latino immigrants are quite negative and strongly associated with policy opinions” to the detriment of Latinos (Valentino, 154). Given all this existing research based on media’s slanting of information and its effect on public opinion, one would logically conclude that immigrant experiences in Iowa’s 4th district would be one of oppression and marginalization. While this is true in many cases, it does not tell the full story. Immigrant experiences often vary by race, as Aptekar discussed, the Asian immigrants in Edison were incredibly successful economically “they are much better off than whites in terms of socioeconomic status” however struggled politically (Aptekar, 235). Similarly, whites react very differently to an Asian American context compared to the Latino’s in that they view Asian immigrants as the “model minority and ally” (Abrajano, 152). This is important in that whites believe Asian Americans are capable individuals and who are able to integrate into society, whereas “Latinos seem to be a real threat that whites counter with more restrictive and more punitive policy making” complicating their integration into society (Abrajano, 152).

Slide 4:

To test the prevalence of slanted news in the media, I will conduct a study to uncover the salience of framing and use of tone regarding immigration from the top three newspapers in Iowa. Given that the Des Moines Register, The Gazette, and the Quad-City Times are the three most read newspapers in Iowa, according to Cision Media, I will conduct my research using these three outlets. I will try to understand whether the theory of news organizations catering their material to the consumer’s preferences is true. To set the stage for this research, I will examine these newspapers from January 1-February 1, which should give me enough time to produce a reliable and applicable conclusion. More specifically I will calculate the percent of immigration related stories from these three outlets, the number of buzzwords used to invoke a sense of fear or anxiety amongst the readers, and I will also attempt to figure out the demographic and party affiliation of each respective newspaper’s readers. From these variables, I hope to find whether or not newsgroups do in fact slant their stories in order to maximize their profit and in turn influence the public perception of immigrants in a negative way.

The dangerous game Donald Trump is playing with MS-13

Link to Washington Post Article: https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/made-by-history/wp/2018/03/07/the-dangerous-game-donald-trump-is-playing-with-ms-13/?utm_term=.32a3b84d10ab

Throughout much of the existing literature on how the media portrays immigration, a consistent theme of the “Latino Threat” emerges.  This is when newspapers and media groups choose to focus on the negatives of immigration often citing criminal activity or the strain foreign born residents have on America’s health care.  Marisa Abrajano outlines in her book White Backlash how a disproportionate amount of stories reference and depict teenage Latino boys in American detention centers or images of them at the border.  Although there is some truth to this claim, this negative rhetoric fosters fear in residents and refuses to acknowledge the reality of the situation and confirms false stereotypes about Mexican immigrants.

In the piece from the Washington Post, this political tactic is utilized by President Trump as he overwhelmingly warns citizens about the threat of the MS-13 gang.  Franco likened Trump’s claims about this gang to public opinion about the Pachucos in the 1940s.  He contends that the political propaganda at this time turned into public hysteria regarding the group and resulted in unjust arrests and riots.  He implies that it is the news outlets prerogative to provide facts about current events and not influence polarization about heated topics among their readers.

Do you see similar trends in today’s media pushing the narrative of outsiders unwilling to assimilate, and labeling these aliens as criminals and threats to American society?  Is the threat of the MS-13 gang proportional to the amount of national attention Trump gives them? If so, how prevalent is this issue and what can be done to halt this destructive movement?  How does false and degrading rhetoric pigeon hole the Latino community and lead to violence/discrimination?   What do you make of the new wave of sympathetic news depicting children being taken away from their families, and unregulated violence towards this community?

Connor McCarthy (IA-4)

https://docs.google.com/presentation/d/1zzcdFEYpqfZp90B1XQMkYSOY4p-tPDJzzYTvsbVMHjY/edit#slide=id.g5256ff8a54_0_0

Slide 1)

The 4th district of Iowa was remapped in 2003 and consisted of the central north portion of the state.  In 2013, it was yet again redistricted and the incumbent Tom Latham opted to move to the 3rd district leaving Steve King (the 5th district incumbent) to govern the 4th district which he has continued to do for six years.  Over the course of the last few elections, King has won relatively comfortably with the closest race coming in 2012 where he won 53% of the votes. These counties include an overwhelming Republican contingency which is reflected in their annual appointment of a Republican senator dating back to 1994.  Furthermore, there is a polarizing ethnic makeup, with nearly 96% of the population as white. Lastly, the median is around $55,000 which is slightly below the state average.

Slide 2)

There are a few theories of existing literature which can help us better understand policy making with regards to immigration and are pertinent to Iowa’s 4th district.  In Wong’s piece, she points out how pro-restriction and pro-immigrant groups are overwhelmingly influenced by party composition. Republicans tend to support stricter borders, while Democrats argue that a more liberal approach is beneficial for our country.  As a result, Republican counties are more likely to not only support anti-immigration sentiment, but also cooperate with federal law enforcement to combat the problem of illegal aliens. In Casellas’ article he discusses the economic tension which can arise with migrant workers seeking low skilled jobs.  He proposes that counties with lower income individuals would support strict immigration laws in order to ensure their job security. Wong also comments on the phenomenon that when there are rapid changes in racial or ethnic makeups, this can be accompanied by negative opinions towards migrants. Though there are economic and demographic factors which are import to acknowledge, the most important variable, which is echoed throughout the existing literature, is that policy making is most notably affected by political factors as legislators consistently act along party lines when discussing immigration.

Slide 3)

Given these trends from the previous slide, we can now predict immigration policy in Iowa’s 4th district.  Every county within the 4th district is Republican. With this rampant conservative partisanship throughout King’s region it would be safe to say they would support anti-immigration policy.  Not only are Republicans more likely to support regulatory bills, they are twice as likely to offer restrictionist amendments. As previously discussed, the evidence across multiple studies shows that partisanship has the largest effect on immigration legislation, and Republicans overwhelmingly vote against immigration.  Additionally, Wong mentions the theory of identity politics, that immigration policies are shaped by societal definitions of citizenship. She continues to say that areas with large and rapid changes in ethnic makeup, like the 130% increase in Latinos since 2000, would likely be accompanied by increased cooperation with federal law enforcement, and removal of any illegal immigrants.  This seemingly homogenous distribution of white, lower class, republican members of the 4th district would provoke incredibly anti-immigrant policy making.

Slide 4)

Steve King’s website clearly conveys his message on immigration.  He believes that as a country we must secure our borders in order to keep the illegal aliens out.  King has even proposed a wall, similar to Trump’s design, but incorporated a layer of barbed wire at the top.  He adamantly opposes amnesty and has compared the separation of families at the border to abortion seperating a baby from his/her mother.  All five paragraphs on his website exhibit intense rhetoric demonizing illegal immigrants and condemning their presence in America. In addition to the wall, he has filed the Illegal Deduction Elimination Act which would make wages paid to illegal immigrants non-deductible for businesses.  He also reintroduced for the fifth time the Birthright Citizens Act which would restrict the automatic citizenship to any child born to illegal-alien parents in the United States, which received twenty cosponsors. Immigration appears to be of the utmost importance to King as nearly ⅓ of his voting history resides within immigration matters.

Connor McCarthy (IA-4)

https://docs.google.com/presentation/d/1zzcdFEYpqfZp90B1XQMkYSOY4p-tPDJzzYTvsbVMHjY/edit#slide=id.g5256ff8a54_0_0

Slide 1)
The 4th district of Iowa was remapped in 2003 and consisted of the central north portion of the state. In 2013, it was yet again redistricted and the incumbent Tom Latham opted to move to the 3rd district leaving Steve King (the 5th district incumbent) to govern the 4th district which he has continued to do for six years. Over the course of the last few elections, King has won relatively comfortably with the closest race coming in 2012 where he won 53% of the votes. These counties include an overwhelming Republican contingency which is reflected in their annual appointment of a Republican senator dating back to 1994. Furthermore, there is a polarizing ethnic makeup, with nearly 96% of the population as white. Lastly, the median is around $55,000 which is slightly below the state average.

Slide 2)
There are a few theories of existing literature which can help us better understand policy making with regards to immigration and are pertinent to Iowa’s 4th district. In Wong’s piece, she points out how pro-restriction and pro-immigrant groups are overwhelmingly influenced by party composition. Republicans tend to support stricter borders, while Democrats argue that a more liberal approach is beneficial for our country. As a result, Republican counties are more likely to not only support anti-immigration sentiment, but also cooperate with federal law enforcement to combat the problem of illegal aliens. In Casellas’ article he discusses the economic tension which can arise with migrant workers seeking low skilled jobs. He proposes that counties with lower income individuals would support strict immigration laws in order to ensure their job security. Wong also comments on the phenomenon that when there are rapid changes in racial or ethnic makeups, this can be accompanied by negative opinions towards migrants. Though there are economic and demographic factors which are import to acknowledge, the most important variable, which is echoed throughout the existing literature, is that policy making is most notably affected by political factors as legislators consistently act along party lines when discussing immigration.

Slide 3)
Given these trends from the previous slide, we can now predict immigration policy in Iowa’s 4th district. Every county within the 4th district is Republican. With this rampant conservative partisanship throughout King’s region it would be safe to say they would support anti-immigration policy. Not only are Republicans more likely to support regulatory bills, they are twice as likely to offer restrictionist amendments. As previously discussed, the evidence across multiple studies shows that partisanship has the largest effect on immigration legislation, and Republicans overwhelmingly vote against immigration. Additionally, Wong mentions the theory of identity politics, that immigration policies are shaped by societal definitions of citizenship. She continues to say that areas with large and rapid changes in ethnic makeup, like the 130% increase in Latinos since 2000, would likely be accompanied by increased cooperation with federal law enforcement, and removal of any illegal immigrants. This seemingly homogenous distribution of white, lower class, republican members of the 4th district would provoke incredibly anti-immigrant policy making.

Slide4)
Steve King’s website clearly conveys his message on immigration. He believes that as a country we must secure our borders in order to keep the illegal aliens out. King has even proposed a wall, similar to Trump’s design, but incorporated a layer of barbed wire at the top. He adamantly opposes amnesty and has compared the separation of families at the border to abortion separating a baby from his/her mother. All five paragraphs on his website exhibit intense rhetoric demonizing illegal immigrants and condemning their presence in America. In addition to the wall, he has filed the Illegal Deduction Elimination Act which would make wages paid to illegal immigrants non-deductible for businesses. He also reintroduced for the fifth time the Birthright Citizens Act which would restrict the automatic citizenship to any child born to illegal-alien parents in the United States, which received twenty cosponsors. Immigration appears to be of the utmost importance to King as nearly ⅓ of his voting history resides within immigration matters.

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