Author: Josephine Wender (Page 1 of 2)

Monuments to Memory or Amnesia?: The Struggle Over Remembrance for American Jews in Germany

Jack Goldfrank was uneasy on his way to the German town of Neustadt – the same land his father had been forced to leave in 1933 for fear of Nazi persecution. 83 years old, he still wonders if his parents, gone for decades, would approve of this pilgrimage to their homeland almost a century after their escape. 

Upon arriving in Neustadt, Jack and his wife, Jane, were greeted by the Mayor, who announced that they were the second Jewish Americans to return to Neustadt in connection with their family’s history. Welcoming them into his office, he opened what he called “The Book of Remembrances,” with the name of every Neustadt Jew who had fled Nazi persecution from 1933 onwards. 

The Mayor then accompanied Jack and Jane to the town’s Jewish cemetery – a burial ground Jack called “not in pristine shape,” but “decent.” “There were a lot of Goldfranks in the cemetery,” Jack tells me. “But the last burial there was in 1937.” No Jews who escaped Nazi persecution had ever returned to live in Neustadt.

Jane adds, “The mayor was very nice. But, in my mind, I’m always remembering that these people, or their parents, were Nazis. It was always like, do they really feel this, or are they doing what they think is right? Does it matter? For me, it was confusing.” 

“My big feeling was discomfort,” Jack says. 

This trip was the first Jack Goldfrank took on his new German passport after reclaiming his German citizenship in the first months of 2025. This encounter with the mayor of Neustadt would fade in his recollection of the visit, overshadowed by lively memories of Berlin light festivals and museum tours. It wasn’t until sitting with me, his granddaughter, that he and his wife began to revisit the feelings of unease they experienced in Neustadt.

My family is just one of the many American Jewish families that have reclaimed their German citizenship in recent years. Since 2016, the German Consulate in New York City has reported a more than 300% increase in applications for citizenship reclamation, parallel with President Donald Trump’s rise to power. Yet for some Jews who return to Germany generations after their ancestors fled Nazi persecution, the reality reveals that the nation has not moved as far from its past as they once imagined – encountering an overextension of Germany’s “memory culture” around the Holocaust that can manifest in instances of fetishization of Jewish culture and an overperformance of repentance.

Many recipients of reclaimed citizenship are two to three generations removed from the  Holocaust themselves; these individuals do not connect reclamation efforts to a traumatic history, but rather an opportunity for smoother travel. Maya Shwayder, a journalist based in New England who reclaimed her citizenship in 2014, said she remembers thinking, “This is great! We can travel so much more easily. This is really, really useful.” 

Laura Moser, Texan author and former politician, laughs, telling me, “Why wouldn’t we want a second passport?” Moser continues, “The people who were my generation immediately started applying once we got it because, once you have all the documents and the place, everyone can get it. The older people did not get it right away.”

Jack Goldfrank is only one generation removed from the traumas Nazi Germany inflicted upon his parents, yet for him too “the driving force was really to have the ability to explore other countries pretty easily.” He continues, “My mother and father never talked about their life in Germany, and, shame on me, I never asked them. They never volunteered, and I never raised the issue… I’m not sure if my parents would be proud of what I’ve done, or if they would feel very negative.”

Younger Americans, with a less vivid and recent recollection of the Holocaust, make up the majority of those with reclaimed passports who then decide to move to Germany permanently, mostly for job opportunities or the hope of an improved quality of life. Shwayder and Moser are in their ranks. Sitting in a noisy Berlin cafe, Moser tells me, “There’s definite practical aspects [of living in Germany], like the schools here, and it really does have a functioning social democracy.” 

However, upon moving to Germany, Moser did not necessarily encounter the socialized democratic utopia she expected. Instead, she describes a very different reality. 

“They fetishize Jews,” she tells me. “The ones who don’t are lying. They’re like, ‘Oh, wow, it’s so beautiful. Thank you. Thank you so much.’ They feel exonerated… like they’re forgiven. And I’m like…no, I literally just wanted healthcare and like good schools…I don’t volunteer that I’m Jewish anymore.”

Germany often receives praise for the ways in which the nation has memorialized historical wrongs and continues to acknowledge the mass atrocity of the holocaust in their lives. There is even a word for it, Vergangenheitsbewältigung, which translates to “confronting the past.” 

American philosopher and Jew who relocated to Germany herself, Dr. Susan Neiman wrote a book in 2019 called Learning from the Germans, making the case that Germany had successfully faced its Nazi past and urging Western countries, the United States in particular, to follow the German example.

However, when I reached out to Dr. Neiman to discuss her thoughts on this topic, she told me that her views, and the world, had changed considerably since she wrote the book. “I’d have never written that book had I not thought that things were getting significantly better,” she says. 

In a stark contrast from her previous position, Dr. Neiman tells me that she believes German vergangenheitsbewältigung has gone too far. “It’s to the point that some of them call themselves the perpetrator nation. But, if that’s how you essentialize yourself, then there has to be a victim nation, and that victim nation is the Jews.”

Psychologist Dr. Jasmin Spiegel writes that, “The need for historical ‘closure’ is greater for perpetrator groups, combined with the desire to “get rid of” the guilt…These tendencies are reinforced the less contact (non-Jewish German) people have with minorities (here, Jews in Germany). This lack of contact tends to be the rule rather than the exception in Germany, given its current demographics. In the absence of contact, stronger stereotypes and prejudices as well as a layman’s understanding of history are used to understand “the foreign.” 

Therefore, Dr. Spiegel hypothesizes that it is a lack of contact between Jewish community members and Germans that reinforces this idea of fetishization, fueled by stronger stereotypes and prejudices that cannot be disproven by in-person communication. 

“All these comparisons between America reckoning with slavery versus German memory culture…” Laura Moser hesitates. “It’s like we, everyone in America, has met a Black person before. Nobody in Germany has met a Jewish person before. So it’s completely a monument culture. It’s just, it’s like they think we are the things on the street… they don’t even engage with diversity.”

Dr. Neiman says it’s not only non-Jewish Germans who display this obsession with Holocaust remembrance. “The people who count as real Jews of the official Jewish community are constantly focusing on the victimhood of the Nazi Period,” she says.

Her words jar me: “The people who count as real Jews of the official Jewish community.” Did that mean that there were fake Jews? Or Jews who didn’t count as part of the “official” community?

Moser, explaining her feelings of relative separation from the Jewish community in Germany, tells me, “Almost all the congregations here are led by Germans who converted…It’s a thing, and I find it really distasteful to sort of adopt this victim’s mentality when their grandparents were literally Nazis.”

When I begin to ask Dr. Neiman about Germans who adopt Jewish identities, she interrupts me. She exclaims, “Oh, the fake Jews? There are lots of them!… Half of the rabbis in the country!”

While I could not find any data to support both Moser and Neiman’s shared claim of a rabbinical space dominated by recent converts, their confident assessment does point to, at the very least, a common feeling of a strong convert presence within Jewish community leadership. 

“Who would you rather be, a child of a victim or a child of a Nazi?” Dr. Neiman asks me. “It’s almost to the point where if someone starts really earnestly telling me that their great aunt was Jewish,” she starts nodding uncomfortably and mimes walking away, laughing.  

Dr. Spiegel assesses the psychological motivations for what she calls “transgenerational posttraumatic identity confusions.” 

“By choosing a victim identity, painful emotions of shame and guilt following the experience of collective trauma on the side of the perpetrators, as well as historical and moral responsibilities, do not need to be dealt with. The gain is the acquisition of a morally unattainable position….Anyone who can take refuge behind the protective shield of a – supposedly – Jewish identity can expect to be unassailable. The moral judgment of those who invent Holocaust victims is essentially a mockery of all those who really were tortured and killed by the Nazis.” 

In the 1950s, following the end of World War II, there was a significant uptick in Germans who wanted to convert to Judaism. While there were approximately 25,000 Jews living in former West Germany and only a few hundred in East Germany, thousands of applications were submitted by Germans who Barbara Steiner – historian who penned a book called Die Inszenierung des Jüdischen or “The Staging of Jewishness” – says were burdened by feelings “of guilt and shame and shock” over the Holocaust. 

The Central Welfare Board of Jews in Germany reported that, within the past twenty-one years, 1,697 Germans have converted to Judaism. 

“You still cannot be there as a rabbi speaking the prayer for remembering Holocaust victims who were murdered, maybe by your own ancestors,” Steiner is quoted as saying in an article for the Jewish Telegraphic Agency. “There is definitely a red line…You cannot give this [Nazi] heritage away with a bath in the mikvah,” referring to the ritual conversion bath.

Dr. Neiman describes this phenomenon of the very Germans who once traced their lineage in an attempt to prove they had no Jewish ancestry now scouring their relations for proof of a connection to Judaism, leading to what she calls “these perennial Jew scandals.” 

Neiman tells me about several cases in which young Germans claimed Jewish heritage when their ties to Judaism were murky at best. 

“There was a big case a couple of years ago, a young writer named Fabian Wolf… he claimed his mother had told him he was Jewish, and it turned out that there was pretty definite proof that he wasn’t, and it turned very nasty…There are just Jew scandals of various kinds that get a lot of attention from the press. And with Fabian, I think people were vicious towards him, but vicious because he took a fair stand on Israel and Palestine.”

Neiman asserts that it is oftentimes the voracity of one’s support for the state of Israel, or rather lack thereof, that accrues media skepticism regarding one’s Jewish identity, rather than the validity of their tie to Judaism itself. 

“There are other people, Max Czollek, for example,” Neiman says, “Czollek’s claim to be Jewish is maybe just slightly better… but he explicitly stays out of any questions about Israel and Palestine. He says he’s critical of lots of things in Germany, but he says it’s antisemitic to expect [him] to have an opinion on Israel. Now. I think this is such bad faith…I just don’t think that one can do that when this is a country whose government claims to represent us; you cannot just simply say, “Eh, not my problem.” But anyway, hey, let me prop myself up on just a little bit of Jewish background and not a word on Israel.”

The larger issue of the tie between anti-semitism and protest acts committed by Israel seems to be very prevalent for Jews in Germany, with Germany’s draconian guidelines for protest resulting in the arrest of Jewish Germans for the offense of anti-semitism. 

Dr. Neiman explains the irony here, “Polls show that a great majority doesn’t like the German policy towards Israel, which is even more extreme than the U.S. and Trump’s. Okay. So people don’t like it, but they are… It’s just a complete taboo to say anything bad about Israel. And there’s a tendency to embrace any Jew whatever they do or don’t do, unless they criticize Israel.”

Moser tells me that this dichotomy has caused significant discomfort for her during her time in Germany.  

 “I don’t know how much you followed, but it’s insane. They’re like arresting Jews left and right for nothing. Phrases you can’t say, like from the river to the sea… It’s like, get in jail. They don’t understand…And that’s where they’re equating the anti-Israel with antisemitism. I mean, for millions of reasons, but they don’t really understand… They have no nuanced understanding of what Judaism is or what Jewish people are,” she says. “That’s the thing that’s made me be like, why do I live here? Because these people have not learned anything.”

At the end of our time together, I ask Dr. Neiman the question that to this day plagues me, one that has become glaringly apparent throughout my discussions with American Jews: Can there ever truly be redemption for these historical crimes against humanity?

She laughs. “I’m laughing only because it’s a question that I’m left with, having spent a good…Thank God, not all of my work is about this, but I’ve certainly written two whole books on the subject and thought about it a great deal, and at this point, I don’t know…. And I count as one of the people that ought to have an answer to it, but well, I thought I did…I really did think I had an answer to your question, and I don’t anymore,” she tells me. 

Neiman hesitates for a moment. “There’s a nice saying by an Irish professor who suggests we should build a monument to amnesia and forget where we put it.”

Is that really the way forward? Would erasing the past, with its guilt, shame, and persistent need for forgiveness, erase the labelling and fetishization that American Jews feel so deeply in Germany? 

When I speak to Maya Schwayder, an American Jew who reclaimed her German citizenship and worked in Berlin for years as a journalist, I ask what it felt like to live as a German there. Without hesitation, she says, “That is something that you and I never will be.”

Can amnesia truly bridge the chasm between “real” and “fake” Jews and between those who are allowed to be German? Or does forgetting simply make this dichotomy more hidden, intensifying barriers that are too etched into Germany’s past and present?

As we leave a Berlin cafe, Moser turns to me to tell me one last thing, “I have no illusions about Germany… I don’t expect anything from the German people… But also, I have my bag packed. I’m not from here. I don’t care. I’m not gonna be, like, weeping over the earth that I was raised on.”

Her grandfather, like my own ancestors, was forced to leave his whole life behind as Nazis stormed Jewish towns, homes, and businesses. He fled to the U.S., ready to begin a new, safe life for his family. How could he know that, about eight decades later, his granddaughter would move to Germany, escaping the threats of fascism seeping into her own home country? And, now, that she would be contemplating leaving Germany once again, with no idea where her next supposed safe haven may be? 

“I think there’s something very Jewish about having exit plans,” Moser says. “It’s like keeping your bag packed by the door.”

Where Remembrance Meets Performance for American Jews in Germany

Jack Goldfrank was uneasy on his way to the German town of Neustadt – the same land his father had been forced to leave in 1933 for fear of Nazi persecution. 83 years old, he still wonders if his parents, gone for decades, would approve of this pilgrimage to their homeland almost a century after their escape. 

Upon arriving in Neustadt, Jack and his wife, Jane, were greeted by the Mayor, who announced that they were the second Jewish Americans to return to Neustadt in connection with their family’s history. Welcoming them into his office, he opened what he called “The Book of Remembrances,” with the name of every Neustadt Jew who had fled Nazi persecution from 1933 onwards. 

The Mayor then accompanied Jack and Jane to the town’s Jewish cemetery – a burial ground Jack called “not in pristine shape,” but “decent.” “There were a lot of Goldfranks in the cemetery,” Jack tells me. “But the last burial there was in 1937.” No Jews who escaped Nazi persecution had ever returned to live in Neustadt.

Jane adds, “The mayor was very nice. But, in my mind, I’m always remembering that these people, or their parents, were Nazis. It was always like, do they really feel this, or are they doing what they think is right? Does it matter? For me, it was confusing.” 

“My big feeling was discomfort,” Jack says. 

This trip was the first Jack Goldfrank took on his new German passport after reclaiming his German citizenship in the first months of 2025. This encounter with the mayor of Neustadt would fade in his recollection of the visit, overshadowed by lively memories of Berlin light festivals and museum tours. It wasn’t until sitting with me, his granddaughter, that he and his wife began to revisit the feelings of unease they experienced in Neustadt.

My family is just one of the many American Jewish families that have reclaimed their German citizenship in recent years. Since 2016, the German Consulate in New York City has reported a more than 300% increase in applications for citizenship reclamation, parallel with President Donald Trump’s rise to power. Yet for some Jews who return to Germany generations after their ancestors fled Nazi persecution, the reality reveals that the nation has not moved as far from its past as they once imagined – encountering an overextension of Germany’s “memory culture” around the Holocaust that can manifest in instances of fetishization of Jewish culture and an overperformance of repentance.

Many recipients of reclaimed citizenship are two to three generations removed from the  Holocaust themselves; these individuals do not connect reclamation efforts to a traumatic history, but rather an opportunity for smoother travel. Maya Shwayder, a journalist based in New England who reclaimed her citizenship in 2014, said she remembers thinking, “This is great! We can travel so much more easily. This is really, really useful.” 

Lara Moser, Texan author and former politician, laughs, telling me, “Why wouldn’t we want a second passport?” Moser continues, “The people who were my generation immediately started applying once we got it because, once you have all the documents and the place, everyone can get it. The older people did not get it right away.”

Jack Goldfrank is only one generation removed from the traumas Nazi Germany inflicted upon his parents, yet for him too “the driving force was really to have the ability to explore other countries pretty easily.” He continues, “My mother and father never talked about their life in Germany, and, shame on me, I never asked them. They never volunteered, and I never raised the issue… I’m not sure if my parents would be proud of what I’ve done, or if they would feel very negative.”

Younger Americans, with a less vivid and recent recollection of the Holocaust, make up the majority of those with reclaimed passports who then decide to move to Germany permanently, mostly for job opportunities or the hope of an improved quality of life. Shwayder and Moser are in their ranks. Sitting in a noisy Berlin cafe, Moser tells me, “There’s definite practical aspects [of living in Germany], like the schools here, and it really does have a functioning social democracy.” 

However, upon moving to Germany, Moser did not necessarily encounter the socialized democratic utopia she expected. Instead, she describes a very different reality. 

“They fetishize Jews,” she tells me. “The ones who don’t are lying. They’re like, ‘Oh, wow, it’s so beautiful. Thank you. Thank you so much.’ They feel exonerated… like they’re forgiven. And I’m like…no, I literally just wanted healthcare and like good schools…I don’t volunteer that I’m Jewish anymore.”

Germany often receives praise for the ways in which the nation has memorialized historical wrongs and continues to acknowledge the mass atrocity of the holocaust. There is even a word for it, Vergangenheitsbewältigung, which translates to “confronting the past.” 

American philosopher and Jew herself, Susan Neiman wrote a book in 2019 called Learning from the Germans, making the case that Germany had successfully faced its Nazi past and urging Western countries, the United States in particular, to follow the German example.

However, when I reached out to Neiman to discuss her thoughts on this topic, she told me that her views, and the world, had changed considerably since she wrote the book. “I’d have never written that book had I not thought that things were getting significantly better,” she says. 

In a stark contrast from her previous position, Neiman tells me that she believes German vergangenheitsbewältigung has gone too far. “It’s to the point that some of them call themselves the perpetrator nation. But, if that’s how you essentialize yourself, then there has to be a victim nation, and that victim nation is the Jews…The people who count as real Jews of the official Jewish community are constantly focusing on the victimhood of the Nazi Period.”

Final Story Potential Lede and Nut Graf

Traveling to Neustadt – a German town with a population of just over fifty-three thousand, located about an hour-long drive from Frankfurt – Jack Goldfrank was uneasy at the thought of setting foot on the same land his father had been forced to leave in 1933 for fear of Nazi persecution. The son of two Jewish German refugees, Jack remains unsure whether his parents would be proud of his pilgrimage to their homeland. 

Upon arriving in Neustadt, he and his wife, Jane, were greeted by the Mayor, who welcomed them into his office and revealed what he called “The Book of Remembrances.” Included in this book is the name of every Jewish person who had fled Nazi persecution in Neustadt from 1933 onwards. As the couple looked through the artifact, the mayor announced that they were the second Jewish Americans to return to Neustadt in connection with their family’s history.

The Mayor then accompanied Jack and Jane to the town’s Jewish cemetery – a burial ground Jack called “not in pristine shape,” but “decent.” “There were a lot of Goldfranks in the cemetery,” Jack tells me. “But the last burial there was in 1937. No Jews had ever gone back to that town.”

Jane adds, “The mayor was very nice. But, in my mind, I’m always remembering that these people, or their parents, were Nazis. It was always like, do they really feel this, or are they doing what they think is right? Does it matter? For me, it was confusing.” 

“My big feeling was discomfort,” Jack says. 

This trip was the first Jack Goldfrank took on his new German passport after reclaiming his German citizenship in the first months of 2025. This encounter with the mayor of Neustadt would fade in his recollection of the visit, overshadowed by lively memories of Berlin light festivals and museum tours. It wasn’t until sitting with me, his granddaughter, that he and his wife began to revisit the feelings of unease they experienced in Neustadt.

My family is just one of the many American Jewish families that have reclaimed their German citizenship in recent years, coinciding with President Donald Trump’s rise to power. Between 2016 and 2024, the German Consulate in New York City reported a more than 300% increase in applications for citizenship reclamation. Yet for some Jews who return to Germany generations after their ancestors fled Nazi persecution, the reality reveals that the nation has not moved as far from its past as they once imagined – encountering an overextension of Germany’s “memory culture” around the Holocaust that can manifest in instances of Jewish fetishization and an overperformance of repentance.

Week 10 Reading Response

This week’s readings provided additional examples of different structures that can be used in long-form reporting. From the terrifying prospect of AI warfare on a global scale to the story of the death of a Chinese migrant in Flushing, these stories range in topic and the mechanisms they use to convey their findings. 

When first reading Dan Barry and Jeffrey E. Singer’s The Case of Jane Doe Ponytail, I was first struck by the almost cinematic structure employed by these journalists in conveying the story. The article starts with a scene that Barry and Singer did not personally see, nor is truly verifiable through any secondary materials or accounts: Song Yang falling (or jumping) from her fourth-story balcony. Journalists defy the natural order of the events, instead instructing readers to pause the vision of her fall halfway through to provide more context to her descent – where she was and why she was falling. Barry and Singer then provide details about Flushing’s commercial sex trade and details about Song Yang’s life before returning to this fall to her death and the subsequent struggles for her family. While I found this structure to be extremely interesting and effective in entrancing readers in the story (supplemented by Barry’s fascinating insights in the Global Investigative Journalism Network piece), the beginning of the story and several scenes throughout the piece felt almost contrived or like a piece of fiction rather than investigative journalism. As I touched upon above, the opening scene is not necessarily a true depiction of events but rather a reconstruction of pieced-together video footage that stops once Yang moves to her balcony. Barry and Singer acknowledge this lack of verification later in the piece, using it to add to the suspense that no one knows what really happened on the balcony, but, in my opinion, excluding this in the opening seems slightly deceptive to readers and a construction that ultimately serves to heighten the drama of the piece at the cost of accuracy.

Aleppo After the Fall by Robert F. Worth takes an extremely different approach to storytelling and structure. Instead of following a specific character or singular event, Worth details the crises that have torn Aleppo apart, centering his linear reporting and the different people he talked to within the process. I found this structure to not be nearly as enticing a read and noticed my attention waning at several points throughout, but the piece was much easier to track in terms of figuring out where each piece of information originated. Worth is also careful to describe the damage and fear incited by both Assad and rebel forces – contributing to the thoroughness and impressive nature of this article. 

These extremely different pieces, therefore, showcase the wide-ranging potential of long-form investigative journalism, while also highlighting the benefits and potential downsides of these different ways of reporting. 

Final Project Pitch

In 2016, the German Consulate in New York City received 350 applications from Jewish individuals reclaiming their citizenship. In 2024, however, that same consulate received 1,500 applications, resulting in 700 naturalizations. Many attribute this increase of over 300% to the reelection of President Donald Trump and his increasingly authoritarian governance. 

Eva-Lynn Podietz, a retired social worker in New York City, told NPR in July, “I just thought, well, it really would be good to have this passport…Jews are almost always in exile. So maybe that’s just part of being Jewish.” Laura Moser, Jewish author and former politician who moved to Germany in 2020, told me something very similar when I met her in a Berlin cafe in October, “I do think there’s something very Jewish about having an exit plan.”

However, for many Jews returning to Germany two generations after their ancestors fled Nazi persecution, the reality reveals that the nation has not moved as far from its past as they once imagined.

When I asked Moser how she explains her repatriation to native Germans, she told me, “I don’t volunteer that I’m Jewish anymore…I did in the beginning, but they fetishize us… They’re like, oh, wow, it’s so beautiful. Thank you. Thank you so much…They feel exonerated.”

She also offers me another interesting piece of information: “Almost all the congregations here are led by Germans who converted…I find it really distasteful to sort of adopt this victim’s mentality when their grandparents were literally Nazis.” 

Deborah Feldman, who moved from New York City to Germany in 2014, recently released a book called Judenfetisch (Jew Fetish), exploring this phenomenon – and, more specifically, those she describes as “fake” Jews who convert and “lie about their ancestry and their upbringing in order to position themselves politically in ways that are personally profitable to them.”

In this story, I want to report on Jewish Americans who have reclaimed their German citizenship and either already relocated or are considering relocating to Germany. I want to use these first-hand accounts to depict the potential differences between their expected reception in Germany and the realities they face upon arrival. 

To report this story, I want to contact Deborah Feldman, whom I quoted above, Tanya Gold, a Jewish journalist who has worked on similar projects previously, and, through talking to these sources, hopefully get in contact with more Jewish-Americans in Germany. 

In conclusion, I hope this story illuminates how U.S. domestic politics and Germany’s conception of “memory culture” shape the experiences of Jewish Americans both in Germany and at home, while also touching upon questions of return from exile and the limitations of historical redemption.

Week 9 Reading Response

This week’s readings on structure and long-form pieces of journalism were quite interesting to read in conjunction. In his book and New Yorker article, John McPhee outlines different ways to structure long-form articles and books alike, centering chronology and main characters that remain consistent throughout pieces. Transitions, too, he writes, are important to ensure that readers can keep track of the line of the article and remain engaged. However, I found McPhee’s description of structure types to be extremely formulaic. Unlike academic writing, which often follows a rigid essay or study structure, I typically do not think about structure in journalistic writing as something so prescriptive – likely due to the more creative, storytelling aspect of it. My process of writing articles normally starts with a draft that is written intuitively, which I then revise and restructure afterwards. Some of the long-form articles we read this week also shed this rigid structure. 

Kathryn Schulz’s “The Really Big One” in the New Yorker starts with a gripping lede – the first-hand account of the 2011 earthquake that struck Japan. However, it takes her a while to actually get to the topic at hand, not the great earthquake mythologized to occur in California along the San Andreas fault line that is referred to as “The Big One,” but rather a more disastrous potential earthquake stemming from the Cascadia subduction zone. She then goes through a series of historical examples of earthquakes as well as a way to physically imagine the intensity and mechanics of this potential earthquake. While she has one notable character included in the lede, that character is not really followed throughout the story. Despite not following a structure that may not be typical within long-form articles, I found Schulz’s story to be fascinating – especially considering the amount of technical information she needs to convey to readers. 

Jennifer Senior’s “What Bobby McIlvaine Left Behind,” conversely, centers one family grappling with the death of their young son, brother, and soon-to-be fiancé, Bobby, on September 11th, 2001. The tension driving the reader to keep reading the article in this case takes the form of a physical artifact: the final diary that Bobby wrote before his death, the possession of which sparked tension between his mother and girlfriend. The story is for the most part structured around these characters, who each describe their grief and how the twenty years since 9/11 have shaped them. However, structure itself plays a role in this story. Senior describes how a 22-year-old Bobby critiqued the fact that she concluded her first five pieces in the New Yorker with a quote from others. She writes, “I credit Bobby with teaching me a valuable lesson: If you’re going to cede the power of the last word to someone else, you’d better be damn sure that person deserves it.” Thus, of course, she leaves the last words of this piece to Bobby – a snippet from his final diary in which he reflects on his perception of his role in life. This piece exemplifies the way that structure can itself play a role in a story and not just act as an apparatus for storytelling. 

An Ambassador’s Asylum in Berlin

I first met Mustafa at an English-language table event in the heart of Berlin’s Neukölln district. The room was filled with small talk, as non-native speakers practiced how to order coffee, make introductions, and describe the weather. Sitting between a Russian woman who had fled her husband’s looming conscription in the Russia-Ukraine War and a Turkish man refining his English skills to find work, Mustafa spoke of a past life full of ambassadorial travel across Asia and North Africa.

Mustafa, a former Afghan diplomat, was forced to seek asylum in Germany amidst the Taliban’s 2021 return to power. Now in Berlin, he spends his days practicing German and English, waiting for the chance to find work that he believes matches his experience and global ambitions. “I am trying to find a job that is suitable,” he tells me during one of our meetings. 

Mustafa, however, is not his real name. True to his diplomatic past, Mustafa was deliberate in the information he chose to share — and not share — with me. 

Born in a remote, under-resourced village within a province far from Kabul, Afghanistan’s capital, Mustafa’s father had impressive dreams for his son. “My father wished for me to be in the foreign ministry,” he tells me. “He worked hard to give me every opportunity.” 

Following his achievement of a Master’s degree in International Relations from the Moscow State Institute for International Relations, Mustafa joined the Afghan Foreign Ministry. Beginning as an associate officer in the Ministry, he worked his way up the ranks and was appointed to his first ambassadorship, Ambassador to Hungary, in 2013. He went on to become Ambassador to Turkmenistan in 2019 and to Pakistan beginning in 2020.

Due to his position of power within the NATO and UN-backed, democratically elected Afghan government, Mustafa says he had “no choice” but to leave after the republic’s collapse on August 15th, 2021, when the Taliban took over Kabul. 

Dr. Lukas Fuchs, researcher at the German Center for Integration and Migration Research, emphasized the probable necessity of Mustafa’s departure from Afghanistan. “People were persecuted because they were working with Western organizations or governments or because they had been advocating for human rights or women’s rights… whatever the Taliban stands against. There have been arbitrary killings, mass arrests, and disappearances of people.”

One month after the Taliban’s takeover, Mustafa, his wife, and their 16-year-old son were able to fly from Kabul to Istanbul.

Once in Istanbul, Mustafa and his family waited another month to receive a visa to move on to somewhere in Europe. “It was terrible,” he says. “There is no support for refugees there.” On December 31st, he received a visa for his family to travel to Germany, a development he calls “a miracle.”

According to Dr. Fuchs, this does seem miraculous. “Asylum cases from Afghanistan have routinely been taking the longest time to be processed,” he tells me. “It was at an average of around three years until you will reach a final decision…So that is a long, long, long time living in uncertainty.”

The second time we meet, this time in a cozy cafe run by refugee volunteers ahead of a German language event, Mustafa tells me about travelling from India to Morocco, Egypt, China, Thailand, and the former Soviet Union. He also brings along with him his book, The Realities of Relations with Pakistan – a 330-page reflection on the regional challenges faced by the Pakistani government, with a large image of his face gracing the cover. The book is printed in Dari and Pashto, but has yet to be translated into English. He flips to pages filled with pictures of him shaking hands with foreign dignitaries and international ambassadors. “I didn’t want to be a refugee,” he tells me several times as if to assure me of his devotion to his country and his diplomatic duty, “I always returned home to Afghanistan after my posts.” 

Mustafa remembers crying while standing in line to submit his refugee application at a local site for the Federal Office for Migration and Refugees (BAMF). “I tried my best to study and get my Master’s degree. The dreams of my father for me to be in the Foreign Ministry were destroyed in a second.” At nearly sixty years old, Mustafa was starting anew. 

Not only did he have to rebuild his life from scratch, but he also had to become a student again for the first time in forty years. The German Government mandates participation in German language courses for asylum recipients. Thus, Mustafa enrolled in German classes alongside other refugees.

At the time of our meeting, after approximately three years of study, Mustafa tells me that he is at the B2 level of German. However, most employment and higher education opportunities in Germany require advanced language certifications amounting to a C1 level. This, in part, is why Mustafa has yet to find a job in Berlin. 

This is not a challenge unique to Mustafa. A 2024 study by the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) found that about 51% of immigrants living in  Germany surveyed saw knowledge of German as a major barrier that has prevented them from finding employment. Additionally, 65% said that a lack of knowledge of German was the most important obstacle in their daily lives.

Stephen Sulimma, an employee at Berlin non-profit Contact and Advice Center for Refugees and Migrants (KuB), thinks this language-based exclusion is indicative of a larger issue. “The majority of people in Germany accept being a refugee, mostly under the condition that you then will leave again. But only a minority of people accept people who show up and want to improve their economic situation.” Sulimma continues, saying that necessitating high German language skills to improve the economic status of refugees “is where this racism thing kicks in.”

Dr. Fuchs adds, “Afghan refugees have historically struggled to be very well integrated into society in Germany. That has definitely also to do with the long waiting process during which you don’t get language courses and government aid. A lot of these factors hindered the integration of migrants in the past.”

Despite his constant effort and impressive international experience, Mustafa cannot find employment. In an ideal world, he tells me, he would get his PhD in International Relations, but it is too expensive, with costs as high as twenty thousand Euros per year. 

Mustafa still considers himself to be very lucky. “Every country has its pluses and minuses,” he says, smiling – a phrase he has repeated several times over the course of our meetings. “Germany is a very secure environment, a multinational country… I have faced no discrimination,” he tells me. And so, until something changes – a job, a scholarship, or any sign of what may come next – his weeks remain measured by his language classes, English on Tuesday and German on Wednesday, suspended in a limbo he never wanted.

Week 8 Reading Response

The beginning of the Week 8 module includes a quote: “Embedding is a fancy word for letting journalists go see what the military units do.” However, upon reading and listening to the award-winning stories included in this week’s assignment, it is clear that embedded reporting goes much beyond that description. Embedded journalists have the opportunity to use their own first-hand, lived experience to convey details of a crisis to readers. 

Caitlin Dickerson’s “Seventy Miles in the Darién Gap” showcases a different type of war than the one I initially pictured from the preceding quotation – this time a war between humans and nature. In reading this piece, I thought a lot about the process journalists must undergo to embed within stories, and the subsequent challenges and rewards reaped by this process. In experiencing this grueling journey with her subjects, Dickerson gains their trust and builds a shared sense of companionship, both of which are felt by the reader. Additionally, in creating these relationships, she not only writes a deeper, more resonant story but also gets to share the lives of people who would never have gotten their stories told otherwise. However, once Dickerson returns to the U.S. she resumes her normal life. What happens to migrants as they continue their journey? It is a struggle felt by journalists and their readers alike – where does the story really end? When journalists embed themselves within the lives of others, it is hard to know when the reporting stops and when a journalist has done their due diligence in reporting a subject’s story. I imagine this must be an immensely challenging decision and step to take. 

In The Dark’s reporting of war crimes committed in Haditha, Iraq doesn’t seem to necessarily face the same challenges. Investigating a crime that occurred four years prior allows reporters to go down different paths of probing – following contrasting opinions, recollections, and explanations, interviewing individuals connected to the story in different ways. It also brings up the question of what the sphere of embedded reporting actually encompasses. New Yorker reporter Madeleine Baran could not move with troops and live the moment with them as the crime occurred years prior. However, Baran does follow the story closely enough, with a plethora of first-hand testimonies from different witnesses, to feel as though journalists and readers are embedded within the story. In this way, the phrase does seem to encompass this stunning work of investigative journalism. 

In conclusion, embedded journalism seems to represent the most intense form of immersion in storytelling. In blurring the line between observing and participating, journalists are able to witness to history occurring in real time, whether in the jungle or on the battlefield, and provide readers with the most accurate and up-to-date look into global crises.

Week 7 Reading Response

Both pieces this week, Amos’ Dancing for Their Lives and Hessler’s Tales of the Trash, use an immersive style of reporting to transport readers into the lives of their subjects. Whether in a crowded women’s bathroom as Iraqi women prepare to find customers within an underground prostitution ring or accompanying trash collector Sayyid Ahmed on his daily rounds. As journalists immerse themselves within the lives of their subjects, second-hand recollection is replaced by first-person experience, getting readers closer to the actual lives of the subjects. I believe that this first-person narrative brings profiles alive and is the type of reporting I hope to emulate. 

I also found the focus of these pieces to be especially fascinating. Both of these articles differently explore the nuanced power of female sexuality. A tool for survival amidst debilitating social and economic repression, yes, but also as a unique mark of shame. Amos describes young female Iraqi refugees in Syria who use prostitution as a way to support their own lives and those of their families. Yet, this means of survival holds its own immense risks, especially as honor killings of accused prostitutes throughout the early years of the twenty-first century served as a message to those engaging in this illegal channel of income. Syrian benefactors were ultimately the winners in this market – Syrian club owners were paid steep cover fees by male Iraqi patrons and by the women who left the club each night with a male companion. In this case, female sexuality was not only criminalized and seen as a mark of shame for those whom it employed, yet was also commodified by the very men who stigmatized its use. While this is by no means a novel concept, its global and long-lasting endurance, as well as the specific tie it has to migrant communities in Syria, was exemplified in this reporting.  

In Hessler’s piece, the sexuality of men is glorified and commodified – in this case through the sale of sexual performance-enhancing drugs pervasive in Ahmed’s community. However, this is juxtaposed with the circumcision and genital mutilation of women, a physical representation of the forceful repression and discouragement of female sexuality. These innate contradictions point to the larger gendered disconnect within the society Hessler is reporting on. 

In commenting on these themes, both of these pieces also use the profile format to comment on the larger issues plaguing the communities their subjects interact with. I think this is a crucial aspect of profiles that increase their relevance and poignancy.

Almost One Year After Assad’s Fall, One Million Syrian Refugees Return Home

Of the approximately 12.3 million Syrian nationals who fled their homes in search of safety since the beginning of the Syrian Civil War, one million have returned to Syria following the fall of President Bashar al-Assad’s fifty-year regime, reported the U.N. Refugee Agency (UNHCR) last week. The end of the precipitating military conflict – killing over half a million citizens and resulting in an estimated $117.7 billion in infrastructure damage – on December 8, 2024 leaves Syrian refugees around the world with a difficult question: To stay or to return?

Dr. Arzoo Osanloo, former Director of the Middle East Center at the University of Washington and current Princeton University Professor, says, “What would stand between somebody who fled their country and a very insecure situation in other countries would be whether [they] would face violence upon returning…Syria still has a lot of continuous unrest, conflict, and violence. Many, many people were forcibly displaced.” 

Former Associate Policy Analyst for the Migration Policy Institute, Samuel Davidoff-Gore, presents more questions that are of consequence to displaced refugees. “It’s about the basics of everyday life. Do I have housing? Do I have economic prospects? Do I have safety? Somewhere to work? Can my kids go to school? Is there potable water? Is there a possibility to see my family? And, most importantly, is this better than my current situation?”

Following the fall of the Assad regime, countries hosting Syrian refugees have initiated processes to incentivize their return. But, for many of the approximately 4.5 million Syrians displaced abroad, the prospect of going home remains daunting. Widespread poverty, the absence of functioning infrastructure systems, and the new Syrian government’s persecution of the Alawite minority make repatriation a complicated decision for displaced families, deepening fears of instability and deterring many from returning. These challenges have placed mounting pressure on international organizations to ensure safety and security for Syrians at home and abroad.

As millions of displaced Syrians consider their return, nations with high refugee populations across the world have taken steps to force Syrian nationals back to Syria. On September 19th, President Donald Trump announced the termination of Temporary Protected Status (TPS) for Syrian nationals living in the U.S.. Additionally, members of Germany’s AfD party and the Austrian government have been vocal in their support for compensation for Syrian nationals returning to Syria. 

Middle Eastern nations with high populations of Syrian refugees, including Turkey, Lebanon, and Jordan, which together house over three million displaced Syrian nationals, have similarly introduced efforts for the forced return of Syrian nationals. Security forces in Lebanon and Turkey have raided and deported hundreds of Syrian refugees. Further, the lack of legal status for refugees in these nations leaves them in “increasingly untenable limbo.”

Davidoff-Gore warns of a continuation of this pattern following the fall of the Assad regime, “I think that you will certainly see folks on the far right trying to incentivize returns or trying to force deportations.”

According to the International Organization for Migration, 1.8 million Syrians displaced by the conflict have returned to their homes since December 2024. However, challenges for repatriating refugees, whether returning voluntarily or under pressure from their host nation, remain plentiful once they return to Syria. 

The Syrian economy has contracted by over 80% since the beginning of the war, with rising unemployment and inflation leading to a poverty rate over 90%. Infrastructure damage has resulted in nearly nonexistent schooling and healthcare systems.

“Syria, in particular, is extremely vulnerable,” Dr. Osanloo says. “Not only do they have the violent conflict that they’re still working through, but, in 2023, they had an earthquake, which also did tremendous infrastructural damage and harmed people.”

Returning refugees have found their homes and communities destroyed or occupied by others, in addition to living alongside the remnants of wartime dangers. The Mines Advisory Group (MAG) found that, between December 2024 and June 2025, over 900 people were killed in Syria by landmines and unexploded ordnance. 

Davidoff-Gore is skeptical of the ability of Syria’s transition government, led by the Sunni Islamist party Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), to address these issues for repatriating citizens on its own. “They don’t have the resources. They don’t have infrastructure staff. So there’s a lot of work that needs to go into making it so that people feel safe.”

For many, the HTS-led transition government offers no assurance of safety.

Alawite Syrians, an ethnoreligious minority within the country who have historically aligned with the Assad regime, have been subjected to overwhelming violence since the rise of the new regime. Human Rights Watch found that, between March 7 and March 10 of this year, armed groups of citizens, along with government forces, attacked over thirty Alawi-majority areas within Syria, killing at least 1,400 citizens.

Many fear that these instances of state-led violence and instability may prompt more Syrian nationals to leave the country, including Alawites, Christians, and other minorities.

Ezgi Irgil, Associate Research Fellow in the Global Politics and Security Programme at the Swedish Institute of International Affairs, writes that any evaluation of the situation “must consider not only developments regarding the government but also the humanitarian situation for all Syrians themselves.”

Davidoff-Gore emphasizes the cost of this violence. “In a society where trust is so paramount, it’s these types of situations where it’s so hard to trust… I wouldn’t say that anyone’s fear is unwarranted.”

Experts predict that a mismanaged or rushed return of Syrian refugees to Syria may exacerbate the poverty and the limited resources in the nation. Refugees International writes that any widespread repatriation of displaced Syrians, “requires an overall improvement of the intertwined political, legal, and socioeconomic dimensions of return.”

Davidoff-Gore agrees. “It would be really overwhelming for people to come back all at once. At the same time, they do need people to restart the labor force. So it’s a balancing act, and that’s an area where policy makers really have the opportunity to help Syria navigate that, should countries choose to do that…. But from what I can tell, the [Syrian] government’s taking the right steps.”

Dr. Feliz Garip, Princeton University Professor of Sociology, instead offers a warning to Syrian refugees returning to the country. “We don’t know that Syria is safe to return to right now. There is existing hostility towards refugees who have left the country…The situation is a lot more complicated than just a change in government.”

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