{"id":948,"date":"2026-10-05T16:40:53","date_gmt":"2026-10-05T20:40:53","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/jrn449-f26\/?p=948"},"modified":"2026-10-05T16:41:21","modified_gmt":"2026-10-05T20:41:21","slug":"reading-response","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/jrn449-f26\/reading-response\/","title":{"rendered":"Reading Response Week 5"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">CNN describes the AfD\u2019s campaign, Vision 2026, as clearly aimed at challenging long-held European values. I was struck by Vision 2026\u2019s parallels to the American far-right\u2019s Project 2025, an extreme outline for an America-first reinvention being widely implemented through a slew of executive orders by President Trump. This same rhetoric can be found throughout the AfD\u2019s campaign, with a Germany first mentality throughout its messaging. The populist messaging of the MAGA-right within America and the AfD in America are able to capitalize off of economic concerns.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">The AfD\u2019s goal of \u201cshutting down the asylum paradise\u201d for instance, in order to prioritize resources to native-born Germans, may be an increasingly popular option for Germans as they remain in an economic slump mostly driven by rising energy costs and a declining eligible skilled workforce. By minimizing asylum, the AfD argues it can instead offer greater incentives for skilled immigrant laborers. Those rising energy costs, though, for instance, can be directly traced to Russia\u2019s invasion of the Ukraine; still, the AfD aligns itself with the asks of the Kremlin as its talking points relating to the on-going war.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">The party\u2019s interest in expanding the list of countries that Germany considers safe for migrants to return to does not take into account the destroyed infrastructure many of those countries continue to suffer from, such as Syria after the fall of Assad. This, the AfD hopes, could make housing more affordable for native-born Germans and free up resources to put towards Germans instead of towards supporting refugee migrants from countries like Afghanistan, Syria, and the Ukraine.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400\">Still, the AfD\u2019s demonstrating of wanting to protect its culture, the German language, and reimagine the priorities of its history curriculum away from Holocaust-remembrance and towards German war legends such as Otto van Bismarck highlights how economic prosperity is not at the heart of all of their initiatives. Economic struggles have historically led to scapegoating, including in and famously in Germany (the rise of Hitler and Nazism as a response to the Great Depression). Still, this correlation creates zero convincing causation of scapegoating tactics and nationalist extremism as improving the economic condition of a nation. Brexit, for instance, resulted in British economic collapse as opposed to solving it. That same German isolationist policy summarized by a \u201cEurope of Fatherlands\u201d and a &#8220;sovereign Germany\u201d cultivates hatred for refugees that are stuck between an unsafe homeland and a lack of upward mobility opportunities, such as those that the Ukrainian refugees, who have been encouraged to not work, are experiencing.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>CNN describes the AfD\u2019s campaign, Vision 2026, as clearly aimed at challenging long-held European values. I was struck by Vision 2026\u2019s parallels to the American far-right\u2019s Project 2025, an extreme outline for an America-first reinvention being widely implemented through a slew of executive orders by President Trump. This same rhetoric can be found throughout the<\/p>\n<p><a class=\"more-link\" href=\"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/jrn449-f26\/reading-response\/\">Continue Reading<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":7987,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-948","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-uncategorized","post-preview"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/jrn449-f26\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/948","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/jrn449-f26\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/jrn449-f26\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/jrn449-f26\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/7987"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/jrn449-f26\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=948"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/jrn449-f26\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/948\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":951,"href":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/jrn449-f26\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/948\/revisions\/951"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/jrn449-f26\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=948"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/jrn449-f26\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=948"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/jrn449-f26\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=948"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}