A Postcard from Distomo

Where two memorials for civilian victims of the Second World War begin and end.

By Vivien Wong

The author’s grandfather (center) with four of his five siblings in China. Photo courtesy the author

In the late 1960s, when sculptor Stelios Triantis was commissioned by the Hellenic Ministry of Culture to design a memorial for the Distomo Mausoleum, he found inspiration in the metopes—rectangular slabs between triglyphs on a Doric frieze—of ancient Greek temples. The most famous incorporation of this architectural element appears at the Parthenon:  almost a hundred metopes adorn the four sides of the temple, each sculpted with a scene from a mythical Greek battle.

Triantis crafted a total of seven metopes for the Distomo Mausoleum. Together, they narrate the German occupation troops’ massacre of over 200 inhabitants of the village of Distomo on June 10, 1944. In these panels, violence conveys tragedy rather than triumph: the forced march of six faceless figures, three men slumped on the ground, three women weeping. A stiff German soldier aims his machine gun at a family huddled around a square table; the father, weaponless, stands and leans over the table toward the soldier. 

Normally, metopes sit atop the vertical columns of a temple. Triantis’s panels, however, span a horizontal column—marble—a few feet off the ground.  Perpendicular to this lies another column, engraved with the names and ages of the massacre victims. The two axes converge at the mausoleum’s cubic ossuary. Each year, on the anniversary of the massacre, relatives may enter and light candles inside. Otherwise, the room is closed to the public. 

A slatted window allows visitors like myself a partial, obstructed glimpse of the victims’ remains inside, displayed in a wall of shelves to the right. The skulls are of varying condition: some cracked, others missing a mandible. Counted together, they still number fewer than the names engraved outside.

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When my grandfather, whom I call Ankong, was seven, the Japanese invaded his hometown of Linyi, in China’s eastern province of Shandong. By the time he’d turned twelve, his father had been tortured, executed, and beheaded. He was a high school principal, and as the rumor goes, one of his students had accused him of being part of the Japanese opposition movement.

The Japanese occupied Linyi for seven years, until the end of the Second World War. After his father’s death, Ankong’s mother disappeared with his baby brother. His younger siblings sent off to an orphanage, Ankong fled south—the first leg of an exodus that eventually took him to the Philippines. There, in a village on Negros, he met my grandmother, my Amma, whose father, brothers, and uncles had once lined up before the Japanese machine guns and lived. 

There’s a picture of Ankong, then sixty-eight, during his final trip to Linyi. He’s kneeling in the dirt of the Cemetery of the Revolutionary Martyrs of East China, which honors those who were killed for resisting the Japanese. Behind him crouch my mother and my aunt. Both are smiling; he is not. A bouquet of flowers sits in the center.

My mother used to tell me Ankong’s father was buried in that cemetery. Recently, she returned with a correction from Ankong’s sister, who said their father was buried in a different cemetery in Linyi. Only Ankong knows—once knew—the location. Years ago, he had tried to visit his father’s grave there and found the area razed for construction. “All the tombs and tombstones were gone,” my great-aunt told me, “turned into flat land.”

My mother once said that she’d seen my great-grandfather’s name on a plaque when she visited the Cemetery of the Revolutionary Martyrs of East China. Now she’s not certain. “I might’ve made that detail up,” she said when I called her in July. I don’t know his father’s name was even there.” When they were in the cemetery, my mother remembers hearing Ankong say he was happy that his father was finally being commemorated. “But I think he just wanted to have a place to go to remember,” my mother later told me. 

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Proposals to build a memorial for the victims of the Distomo massacre began in 1944, though the mausoleum was not completed until 1976. According to Amalia Papaioannou, the historian who curates Distomo’s Museum of the Victims of Nazism, one survivor’s son had “never experienced a caress or a sign of tenderness from his own father,” whose brothers and fathers were killed in the Distomo massacre, until the day the bones of his father’s family were transferred to the mausoleum. “That was the first day that he showed affection to his son,” she said. 

Papaioannou is herself a third-generation descendant of Distomo massacre survivors. Growing up, she told me, “we didn’t hear any other story, any other fairy tale from our grandmothers and grandfathers, except the story of the victims of the massacre. Again and again and again.” 

“The memory is a debt,” Papaioannou explained. “The debt has become a way of life.” The biggest concern in Distomo, she added, “is that this memory will die together with the last survivors.” 

*

Since leaving China, Ankong has stopped talking about his father. He prefers to think of his mother and youngest brother as long buried. But some inexplicable force compels his daughters and grandchildren, I among them, to continue exhuming their bodies, as if knowing exactly how they were killed or what they were wearing when it happened can make murder less bloody. 

Each Christmas, we gather—in Ankong’s living room, or else over Zoom—to hear about the day the Japanese invaded. The debt is paid: again and again and again. ♦

The Identity of Memory: Honoring History in the Face of Change

by Annalisa Jenkins

The pathway into the Hosios Loukas monastery is lined with the blackened skeletons of pine trees. They are remnants of a 2023 wildfire that breached the outer walls of the monastery, forced an evacuation, and came within inches of lighting the church aflame.

The trees stand in memoriam of what the monastery shopkeeper Yannis Loukas calls “one of the worst days in the life of this monastery.” The fire incinerated the monastery’s potato fields and hospitalized a monk who didn’t evacuate. 

But it was the vibrance below the burnt trees that drew my attention. In the two years since the fire, wild grasses and pink and white flowers have covered the dry ground lining the path: a pop of color amongst ashy yellows and browns.


Over the two days of our trip into the mountains of central Greece—in the monastery; among the ruins of Delphi; and at the site of a Nazi massacre in Distomo—the line between the past and the present blurs. Within a busy corridor of tourism, each of our hosts is grappling with how to honor their history in the face of great transition.

Father Anthimos, a monk who recently moved to Hosios Loukas, expressed mixed feelings about his reassignment. He came from Mount Athos, a traditional monastery that is closed to all but a few invited male visitors. There, he felt he was living a thousand years in the past. Our guide Sophia Theona explained that monasteries like Hosios Loukas, which invite tourists, are “not usually where a monk wants to be because they have to act as hosts, which was not their calling.” 

Hosios Loukas has preserved some of the monastic antiquity that Father Anthimos described. Its thick stone walls block the view of the road leading into it and muffle any sounds of traffic. The soft chirping of cicadas and birds, trickling mountain spring and well-maintained gardens create a bucolic peace. Gold embossed iconography lines the walls of the church and monks wear long black robes, a uniform that has remained unchanged for centuries. 

Within this image of the Byzantine empire, however, there are clear reminders of touristic modernity. A large black speaker is tucked into a windowsill beneath a painted bible scene; a small shop off the courtyard sells visitors honey and bars of nougat; signs in English hang on the stall door of a bathroom for women (who historically would not have been allowed into the monastery); a blonde toddler cries to her parents. Tourists hoping to learn about this Byzantine church have, inherently, changed its presence. 

After leaving the monastery, we drove to nearby Distomo, where, in 1944 the Nazis massacred 228 of the town’s 1600 residents. Amalia Papaioannou, head of the Distomo massacre museum and granddaughter of survivors, described how she feels a deep “duty to preserve the memory” of the tragedy. Growing up in the 1970s, Papaiannou was surrounded by stories of the massacre—“it’s not just a memory, this story being passed down has formed an identity,” she said. As the last generation of survivors passes away, her biggest fear is that this memory and identity will die with them. It seemed that for Papaioannou, our presence helped to keep the story alive—she thanked us deeply for listening. 

How do we honor memory while continuing to heal and live in the present? In the documentary we watched, one survivor, speaking nearly 60 years after the tragedy, lamented that “Distomo still hasn’t recovered. It still hasn’t recovered the peace and colours I remembered.” Is it possible to recover peace when, as Papaioannou said, her community’s identity is formed by a tragic memory? 

For each place our class played a different role—an opportunity for the preservation of history or the very thing against which they needed to preserve. Each stands on the precipice of a great transition.

The Hosios Loukas fire was the first that Yannis Loukas had seen in decades working at the monastery. As climate change brings intensifying heat and drought to Greece, it is likely that more will follow.