{"id":177,"date":"2019-02-19T11:12:00","date_gmt":"2019-02-19T16:12:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/immigrationpolitics\/?p=177"},"modified":"2019-02-20T13:35:06","modified_gmt":"2019-02-20T18:35:06","slug":"the-partisan-fight-over-border-wall-funding","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/immigrationpolitics-2019\/the-partisan-fight-over-border-wall-funding\/","title":{"rendered":"The Partisan Fight over Border Wall Funding"},"content":{"rendered":"

This week, our readings and lectures highlight that partisanship is the driving force behind immigration policymaking in Congress<\/strong>. Casellas & Leal (2013) and Wong (2014) find that the key determinant of voting pattern is party affiliation: Republicans consistently vote for anti-immigration policies; Democrats consistently vote against such measures. Professor Massey\u2019s lecture extends this partisanship to the executive branch, specifically to President Trump, who has just declared a national emergency to secure $8 billion in border wall funding. Given the overwhelming evidence that a wall is ineffective, Massey posits that the wall is a white nationalist political statement feeding into the Latino Threat Narrative.<\/span><\/p>\n

The aggravated fight between Congress and President Trump over the National Emergency is a prime example of partisanship driving immigration policy (See USA Today article linked below).<\/strong> Amidst his sharp criticism of Trump\u2019s wall obsession, Professor Massey highlighted a silver lining: the declaration sparks a discussion in Congress and forces Republican senators clearly choose whether to vote partisan or not.<\/span><\/p>\n

Bipartisan opposition can occur when immigration policies are perceived as \u201ctoo far right\u201d (Wong 2014). If Congress votes to override the National Emergency, it will be a litmus test for whether Trump\u2019s policies are seen as extreme enough to transcend the partisanship that typically determines Congressional voting outcomes (See 538 article linked below).<\/strong> A vote to override the emergency will pass the House, forcing Senate Republicans to decide whether to vote with their party or against it. At least eight Republican senators have already stated opposition to the emergency declaration. A Senate vote would be a real-world example of whether the strictly partisan camp of scholarship holds or whether Wong\u2019s added nuance of rare, but possible, bipartisan agreement occurs. <\/span><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Discussion Questions<\/b><\/p>\n

    \n
  1. Do you think the National Emergency Declaration is \u201cfar right\u201d enough to push more moderate Republicans to vote against their party to override it?<\/span><\/li>\n
  2. Professor Massey thinks the solution is to legalize the 11 million undocumented currently in America and then process border arrivals as refugees and asylum seekers. Do you agree or disagree with this solution, and why?<\/span><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

     <\/p>\n

    News Articles:<\/strong><\/p>\n

    Hayes, Christal, and John Fritze. 2019. \u201cTrump Declared a National Emergency over a Border Wall. What Happens next?\u201d USA Today. February 16, 2019. <\/span>https:\/\/www.usatoday.com\/story\/news\/politics\/2019\/02\/16\/donald-trump-national-emergency-border-wall-fight\/2876668002\/<\/span><\/a>.<\/span><\/p>\n

    Bacon, Perry, and Nate Silver. 2019. \u201cCould Congress Block Trump’s Emergency Declaration?\u201d FiveThirtyEight. February 18, 2019. <\/span>https:\/\/fivethirtyeight.com\/features\/could-congress-block-trumps-emergency-declaration\/<\/span><\/a>.<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

    This week, our readings and lectures highlight that partisanship is the driving force behind immigration policymaking in Congress. Casellas & Leal (2013) and Wong (2014) find that the key determinant of voting pattern is party affiliation: Republicans consistently vote for anti-immigration policies; Democrats consistently vote against such measures. Professor Massey\u2019s lecture extends this partisanship to […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1055,"featured_media":180,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[28,9,13],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-177","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-in-the-news-all","category-news-3a","category-news-wk3","post-preview"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/immigrationpolitics-2019\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/177","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/immigrationpolitics-2019\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/immigrationpolitics-2019\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/immigrationpolitics-2019\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1055"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/immigrationpolitics-2019\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=177"}],"version-history":[{"count":11,"href":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/immigrationpolitics-2019\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/177\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":189,"href":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/immigrationpolitics-2019\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/177\/revisions\/189"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/immigrationpolitics-2019\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/180"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/immigrationpolitics-2019\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=177"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/immigrationpolitics-2019\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=177"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/immigrationpolitics-2019\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=177"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}