{"id":1358,"date":"2019-04-30T11:07:48","date_gmt":"2019-04-30T15:07:48","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/immigrationpolitics\/?p=1358"},"modified":"2019-04-30T11:07:48","modified_gmt":"2019-04-30T15:07:48","slug":"population-demographics-of-the-4th-congressional-district-of-illinois","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/immigrationpolitics-2019\/population-demographics-of-the-4th-congressional-district-of-illinois\/","title":{"rendered":"Population Demographics of the 4th Congressional District of Illinois"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><a href=\"http:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/immigrationpolitics\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/104\/2019\/04\/POL334-assignment-2.pptx\">POL334 assignment 2<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Slide 1:\u00a0 In the first slide is the comparison between racial and ethic populations in IL-4 between 2007 and 2017.\u00a0 The district is predominantly Hispanic\/Latino, and as I have mentioned in previous assignments, one of the most gerrymandered districts in the United states and is considered to be gerrymandered to incorporate areas with high Hispanic\/Latino populations.\u00a0 The most noticeable change is the 27.1 percentage point decrease in the \u201cother\u201d race category from 2007-2017.\u00a0 I\u2019m not sure as to why this is, but maybe it has to do with the domination of the Hispanic\/Latino population in the district.\u00a0 The Hispanic population has actually decreased by 4.6 pp\u2019s over the 10 years despite domination by the democratic party and pro-immigrant Rep\u2019s, potentially due to the election of Trump and movement towards some of his proposed policies.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>Slide 2:\u00a0\u00a0 A lot of the literature included has to do with the change in sentiment that comes from media coverage of immigration along with increases in Hispanic populations and Trump\u2019s rhetoric towards immigrants.\u00a0 That being said, this could be true of the non-Hispanic populations in the district, but they are the minority, with the most being white, and that still only encapsulating 22.4% of the population.\u00a0 Rep. Garcia is very pro-immigrant himself and intends to show support for immigrant groups in policy and in general.\u00a0 This could reverse some negative sentiment held by native populations, as well as continue to connect and integrate immigrant groups with the community.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>Slide 3:\u00a0 This of course highlights predictions on how media coverage and Trump rhetoric will effect immigrant experience and public opinion.\u00a0 In regards to this, it seems that if the ethnic enclaves that are found in IL-4 will hold strong, and will of course be supported by Rep. Garcia in light of negative media coverage and anti-immigrant sentiment supported by Trump.\u00a0 It could also polarize those of white or native populations in IL-4 as a result of negative coverage and high immigrant\/ Hispanic populations.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>Slide 4: \u00a0This just talks about looking to find out if anti-immigrant sentiment in the media and by Trump will truly echo this effect in the white and native populations in IL-4.\u00a0 I would do this by conducting a survey to ask questions regarding said sentiment, then comparing these survey results with each participants race, ethnicity and party association.\u00a0 This would help determine If the media is affecting their feelings towards immigrant groups, and if Rep Garcia\u2019s attitude towards immigrants is doing anything to offset it.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>POL334 assignment 2 Slide 1:\u00a0 In the first slide is the comparison between racial and ethic populations in IL-4 between 2007 and 2017.\u00a0 The district is predominantly Hispanic\/Latino, and as I have mentioned in previous assignments, one of the most gerrymandered districts in the United states and is considered to be gerrymandered to incorporate areas [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1254,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[12],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1358","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-districts-2","post-preview"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/immigrationpolitics-2019\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1358","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/immigrationpolitics-2019\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/immigrationpolitics-2019\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/immigrationpolitics-2019\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1254"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/immigrationpolitics-2019\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=1358"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/immigrationpolitics-2019\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1358\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":1360,"href":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/immigrationpolitics-2019\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/1358\/revisions\/1360"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/immigrationpolitics-2019\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=1358"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/immigrationpolitics-2019\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=1358"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/commons.princeton.edu\/immigrationpolitics-2019\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=1358"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}