Introduction
As someone who is interested in both the history of religion and Russia as a whole, the story of missionary activity in Russian Alaska greatly appealed to me. More broadly, the history of missionaries is often tainted by forced conversion and unfair implementation of Western values onto indigenous cultures. An analysis of missionary efforts in Alaska can reveal to historians both historically effective and ineffective methods of spreading faith with natives, and also can provide a linguistic foundation for studying Russian Alaska through a more secular lens. Through my study of Innocent Veniaminov a different path of missionary activity appears evident. While Veniaminov’s personal writings are often religious and geographical in nature, a close study of his writings as primary sources can give evidence towards his commitment to a different sort of missionary goal. I studied many of Veniaminov’s main works written in the original Russian. For example, “Indication of the Way to the Kingdom of Heaven” and “Instruction to the Nushagak Missionary, Hieromonk Eophilus.” are religious documents written by Veniaminov which can reveal important understandings of his missionary work. In addition to religious documents, geographical and ethnographic works such as “Notes about the Unalaskan Department” and “Remarks about the Koleshensky and Kodiak languages” can give insights into the attention to detail to which Veniaminov approached native populations. For secondary sources, one text which served as a great introduction to a linguistic understanding of Veniaminov is “The Russian Orthodox Church of Alaska and the Aleutian Islands and its relation to Native American Traditions” by Vyachelav Ivanov. Other sources from JStor and the Princeton Library provided a supplement to the more pointed and religious primary sources written by Veniaminov himself. One main research question I have is – How does the missionary activity of Innocent Veniaminov, especially concerning linguistics, syncretism, and cultural acceptance portray positive missionary activity? This paper will focus on Veniaminov’s missionary work more through a linguistic and anthropological lens, with less emphasis on general biographical information. This study will present a more defined focus on religious syncretism and language rooted in Veniaminov’s primary sources than a more broad overview of his entire time in Alaska. My main hypothesis follows –
Linguistics and Syncretism as a Missionary Tools
For Russian missionary Innocent Veniaminov, whose diocese spanned the whole of Alaska including a plethora of diverse linguistic groups, spreading the Gospel in this land would not be an easy task. As a whole, the entire process of missionary activity is an inherently difficult endeavor in any corner of the globe. When confronted with a foreign culture like that of the Alaskan natives in Veniaminov’s case, resorting to ethnocentrism can often tempt missionaries[1]. Moreover, linguistic barriers between indigenous cultures and that of European powers present an immediate barrier to preaching. In the case of the Alaskan people, who lacked a substantive written language, the task of translation and evangelization would pose an immediate challenge for Veniaminov and his companions from the early 1820’s through the 1840’s. In the words of Sergei Kan, an American anthropologist who specializes in the Orthodox missions to Alaska,
To start, Veniaminov’s advanced understanding and appreciation for the native languages of Alaska helped to maintain this balance of power – an essential for missionary activity. Besides an Orthodox missionary, Veniaminov was also a brilliantly innovative linguist. In a letter to the Nushagak Missionaries of Alaska, Veniaminov explicitly asserts the importance of language comprehension for missionaries. As part of a letter with 52 new instructions to missionaries, Veniaminov stresses, “You must learn their language in a short time, during the first encounter at least enough to understand.”[3] In addition to an instruction for his missionaries, Veniaminov lived out this emphasis of language on his own. Besides his native Russian and Church Slavonic, St. Innocent became a master of the Aleut language, despite its dissimilarity with European languages. In addition to Aleut, Veniaminov spent over 2 hours each day studying the lesser-used Tlingit language. This continual emphasis on language learning even impressed foreign bishops as Veniaminov’s diocese expanded across Alaska[4], garnering surprise surrounding the rapid growth of Russian missionary efforts in Alaska. By only considering the foundation for Veniaminov’s missionary activity – an emphasis for language learning among missionaries, the Russian missionary effort immediately passes one of the immediate missionary pitfalls according to Kan.
Beyond just the foundation of language emphasis, the translational proficiency of Veniaminov and his associates directly contributed to the “balance of power” essential for successful missionary endeavors. Undergirding the Alaskan translation efforts was a unique understanding for Alaskan linguistic structure. Ignoring the traditional European understanding of a “noun-based world” made up of parts, Veniaminov embraced a more dynamic, indigenous approach to language.[5] Initially, the main concern of the Alaskan mission centered on establishing a written language, as the Aleuts had no written language. Veniaminov created a language based on Russian Cyrillic, but with inclusion of extra signs for sounds not found in Russian.[6] For the Western Aleut dialect, an associate of Veniaminov, a creole priest, Ivan , forged a literary Aleut language based primarily on translated passages from the Bible. Veniaminov’s insights into the Aleut language can be found in his literary guide, “Remarks about the Koleshensky and Kodiak languages”, which contains a comprehensive linguistic study of the Aleut language. Linguistic functions such as grammar, spelling, and verb study are explained in depth by the foreigner Veniaminov. Besides grammar, a comprehensive Russian-Aleut dictionary accompanies sample sentences in Aleut about Christian topics.[7]
While an overall understanding of Aleut linguistic function was necessary for missionary activity, a main task for Veniaminov and his companions would be the application of this linguistic knowledge to actual Orthodox missionary work. Returning to Kan, a challenge for the Alaskan missionaries would undoubtedly be the “susceptibility of the specific Christian symbolic forms to being reinterpreted and indigenized.”[8] To help tread the line on this “balance of power” that Kan describes in relation to missionary activity, Veniaminov turned to anthropology to accompany his linguistic pursuits. In translations of key Orthodox materials, Veniaminov incorporated symbolism from prehistoric Aleut culture to make Orthodox theology more accessible. For example, the new Orthodox Russian word aguRuq “God/creator” corresponds to the older Aleut word angiq – “spirit”. By this means, entirely foreign theological concepts could be “translated” via combinations of Aleut words that carried similar meanings. Further examples of this use of linguistic anthropology include the Cyrillic Aleut word “saint” coming from the traditional Aleut word for “bright”. Even key religious figures like “The Blessed Virgin” were approximated in old Aleut as “the one who has given birth to God”.[9] In other cases where this approximation technique was more difficult, such as the word for “camel”, the Russian word for camel – “verblyud” was used with the addition of an Aleut ending. Throughout Veniaminov’s personal writings to his priests, this same spirit of cultural and linguistic understanding was stressed, besides just the act of translation. In the same letter to the Nushagak missionary, Veniaminov orders him to, “Try to learn in detail the faith, rituals, customs, inclinations, character and whole life of your parishioners, especially as to act on them more accurately and more conveniently. Doing justice to their good customs is an important deal for your success.”[10] To Veniaminov, the faith and customs of the Alaskan people formed an integral piece of conversion and translation tactic. With a people unaccustomed to Orthodox theology, greater knowledge of indigenous practices would prove indispensable to Veniaminov’s mission.
With translations and cultural understanding stressed, Veniaminov brought this wealth of knowledge to the community both with the help of syncretism and assistance from creole Alaskans. On the topic of translations, creole and Native Alaskan input on Veniaminov’s translations proved crucial. For translations into the Western Aleut dialect of Atka, the brilliant creole priest Iakov devised a written language for Veniaminov’s missionary work. Fluent in both Russian and Aleut from a young age, Nevetsov effectively merged the translations of Veniaminov’s preferred language – Eastern Aleut Fox, with a literary Western Aleut Atka. For the first time, thanks to Nevetsov’s work, practical translations could be conducted in both Aleut dialects, further enhancing missionary efforts in the region.[11] supporting his command to, “Do not show the look of a dignified teacher” in interactions with any native peoples.[12] Living by this mantra, Veniaminov held the input and assistance of his creole and native translators in the highest regard. For example, Ivan Pan’kov, an Aleut Chief and collaborator with Veniaminov, was credited on the title page of Veniaminov’s translation of “Indication of the Way into the Kingdom of Heaven” after insistence from Veniaminov. While this gesture to his indigenous assistance may appear performative, Veniaminov’s personal journals corroborate this genuine gratitude and appreciation to native and creole translational aids. In Veniaminov’s journal from Tuesday, April 24, 1828, he writes about the, “special zeal of the interpreter Ivan Pan’kov” and how he with, “heartfelt satisfaction will repeat that the inhabitants of the islands mentioned above are very zealous and fervent in their desire for God’s word. [13] With this context in mind, it appears that the missionary activity of Veniaminov strays from the “ethnocentrism” and “cultural and linguistic barriers” that Kan describes in reference to missionary obstacles. A willingness to not only utilize native assistance, but credit and laud the support of creole and native aids speaks to the respectful manner in which Veniaminov trod the native balance of power.[14]
Along with a rooted foundation both in the linguistic and cultural life of Native Alaska, Veniaminov and his associates’ primary task would be the transfer of this religious knowledge to a people unaccustomed with Orthodoxy. With their translations and cultural understanding in hand, religious syncretism would play a crucial role in preaching to the Alaskan Natives. As a prerequisite to the implementation of Orthodox Christian beliefs onto the “pagan” Alaskan Natives, Veniaminov first preached a culture of acceptance to previously held religious beliefs. In his missionary advice to the Nushagak missionary, Veniaminov advises, “Do not show obvious contempt for their way of life, customs, etc, no matter how worthy they may seem.”[15] Veniaminov himself wrote extensively on the anthropology of Alaskan shamanistic spiritual practices. In his manuscript, “Notes on the Unalaskan Islands”, Veniaminov catalogs the animist beliefs of the Aleut peoples. The medicinal and social roles of Aleut shamans are described in detail, as well as descriptions of ritual sacrifices and washings.[16] The existence of an Aleut “creator spirit” is also recognized, setting the groundwork for Orthodox syncretism with traditional Aleut spirituality.[17] In actuality, there appeared to be many parallels between the shamanistic religion and the Aleut and Orthodox Christianity. For example, shamanistic rituals described by Veniaminov in his “Notes on the Unalaskan Islands”, such as ritual sacrifice and rebirthing ceremonies, were compared and likened to Orthodox baptismal and Chrism ceremonies.[18] In a similar manner, more theological concepts like the Christian Logos, or God oriented power, was likened to the Yua/Inua, the spiritual life force in Aleut tradition.[19] Throughout this process of syncretism, or the combining of different religious practices and customs under a shared belief, Veniamov rooted his implementations in the traditions and national culture of St. Cyril and Methodius, the first missionaries to the Russian people. [20] In this manner, Russian Orthodox missionary efforts under Veniaminov and others maintained a connection with their Russian roots while simultaneously adapting to the shamanistic spirituality that they encountered. In this sense, Veniaminov and his missionaries appear to successfully tread the tenuous “balance of power” between ethnocentrism and total dilution of Orthodox principles. When making uniquely Christian terminology such as the Logos, saints, or the Bible accessible both via written language and a syncretism with pre-existing indigenous spirituality, a successful balance between cultures can be found.
Missionary Applications
Keeping Veniaminov’s linguistic and syncretic background in mind, his application of these principles can be used as an ultimate test of his missionary philosophy. From the beginning of his missionary activity, Veniaminov expressed a passionate desire to serve in Alaska. Despite initial hesitation to minister to Alaska, Veniaminov recounts in an autobiographical note his complete change of heart after hearing from a missionary from Unalaska.[21] Veniaminov describes how he was “all fired up to go to such people [the Aleuts]” and he was “tormented with impatience” before being stationed in Alaska.[22] In an 1840 speech to representatives of the Orthodox Church, Veniaminov credits his fiery desire to serve in Alaska to the mercy of God, and how his, “longing irresistibly rushed to that where it previously turned away from fear and hesitancy”[23]Put simply, a powerful, Godly desire defined Veniaminov’s mission in Alaska, inspiring him to be present and serve the people of Alaska under any circumstance. Between 1842 and 1852, Veniaminov competed three full trips around his entire Alaskan diocese, each trip totaling roughly 15,000 miles by means of kayak, ship, and even sled. Throughout his journeys, Veniaminov prioritized accessibility to his constituents, motivated by a mantra of being, “gentle, affectionate, and simple” when interacting with natives[24].” This accessibility was replete with a deep understanding of native culture and custom. For example, in his missionary advice to the Nushagak missionaries, Veniaminov advises to travel at convenient times for each community. Veniaminov uses the fishermen of Tamoshnya as an example, instructing his missionaries to visit them at times during the year free from fishing duties, as to better facilitate interaction between locals and missionaries.[25] Fully understanding native seasonal commercial practices, Veniaminov was better able to minister to his diverse community. Moreover, Veniaminov’s fiery willingness to spread Orthodoxy motivated missions to far reaching regions of the Alaskan wilderness[26]. Despite the undoubted risk of missionary work in such regions, especially in the Yup’ik region of southwestern Alaska, Veniaminov and his missionaries pushed on. Not even deterred by the murder of Father Iuvenlii just fifty years prior in the region, missionary work under Veniaminov established Orthodox footholds in even the most remote regions of Alaska[27]
Throughout Veniaminov’s goal of accessibility to native peoples remained an emphasis on linguistics and language for missionary success, most notably found in multilingual school education. Veniaminov stressed the crucial nature of education in the context of evangelization.[28] In the wake of Veniaminov’s mission, religious schools were erected on Atka Island, Kodiak Island, and Unalaska Island among many others[29]. Given the previously noted emphasis on linguistics to the Alaska mission, at least three languages were taught at every Orthodox school in Alaska. Perhaps the most notable effect of Veniaminov’s multilingual school was the “linguistic positive feedback loop” it created among creole and native Orthodox priests. Put simply, creole priests proficient in the Aleut language and two dialects of Alaskan Eskimo language taught further generations of future priests, who became proficient in the same native languages, along with Russian and Church Slavonic, and repeated the cycle of education. In fact, at least three generations of former students turned priests can be attributed to Veniaminov’s creole translation assistant and Orthodox priest Nevetsov.[31] Effects of this linguistic success story spanned generations into the 20th century.[32] Even disregarding the religious success of the multilingual schools, overall literacy proved to be substantial in areas which did not even have a written language just years prior. In the words of a Russian America company report from 1847, “almost all of the new generation” had the ability to read thanks to the Aleut translation of a certain creole priest Shaiashnikov.[33] Throughout the educational system in Alaska, multilingual education was inspired by Veniaminov’s steadfast emphasis on syncretic evangelization, which was often communicated via schoolhouses to the youth.
As for the Russian Orthodox missionaries in Alaska, the goal of all missionary efforts is the eventual conversion of native populations. Naturally, many common pitfalls may spring up from ineffective conversion efforts, or conversion for wrong reasons. As Kan notes, oftentimes natives, “take advantage of missionaries’ material and spiritual assistance”, a common pitfall in conversion work.[34] Logically, this transactional relationship would detract from the true effort of conversion, in the Alaskan case a transition from shamanism to Orthodox Christianity. To avoid this relationship, Veniaminov specifically warned against this “transactional conversion”, advising his missionaries to, “not enter into any trade relationships with them [Aleuts] either personally or through others.”[35] Furthermore, Veniaminov does advise to ask for native assistance, but never in a transactional manner.[36] In addition to a non-transactional method of conversion, Veniaminov deeply understood both his own Orthodox faith and the shamanistic faith of the Alaskan peoples. In fact, the third section of Veniaminovs, “Notes on the islands of the Unalaska District” begins with an in-depth anthropological description of Alaskan shamanism.[37] Despite an eventual desire for conversion, Veniaminov taught his associates to harbor no ill will towards indigenous spiritual practices. In the same letter to the Nushagak missionary, Veniaminov advises that, “Giving justice to their [native] customs is important for your success.”[38] While rarely through forced conversion or by transaction, many times movements away from shamanism occurred via natives viewing the helplessness of shamanistic religion in a more contemporary colonial Alaska. In one extreme instance, by trying to display true Christian behavior, a Creole Orthodox priest Zkharii Bel’kov both saved a shaman’s life and involuntarily invalidated the power of shamanism. After hearing about Alaskan Yupik villagers’ plans to kill a shaman because of supposed sorcery, Father Bel’kov chopped up a shaman’s mask, prepared tea with the mask splinters, and drank the tea before the Yupiks in an effort to save the shaman’s life. Ultimately, after the priest remained spiritually unharmed, the Yupiks freed the shaman thanks to Father Bel’kov’s actions.[39]. While this example may appear intense, often the linguistic and cultural influence of missionary activity in Alaska created a natural path to conversion, while not specifically persecuting or coercing coercion out of natives. For example, the linguistic environment of Russian Alaska indirectly pointed towards the goals of Orthodoxy. According to Russian philologist and linguist Vyacheslav Ivanov, the linguistic atmosphere in Russian America could even be described as a “triglossia”, meaning three languages being used by the same community.[40] The three languages, Russian, Church Slavonic, and the native language, naturally converged under the Orthodox Church. In fact, concepts described previously, from linguistic emphasis, religious syncretism, to the deep cultural understanding, all converged under this “triglossia”. On the syncretic and linguistic front, oftentimes Eskimo and Yupik religious and spiritual songs were sung at church in tandem with the more traditional Church Slavonic and Russian songs.[41] In other cases, Aleut translations of the Bible were read at church as part of the service.[42] Behind all uses of the languages was the accepting influence of Veniaminov, who advised his communities to, “Not suddenly dismiss old customs, that do not oppose Christianity.”[43]
Conclusion
Throughout a study of Veniaminov, common threads of syncretism and linguistic emphasis fill not only Veniaminov’s personal writings, but the actions of his mission in general. From the beginning, language proficiency among Veniaminov and his associates enabled a written language to be developed for the first time in Alaska, laying the foundation for missionary efforts. In these efforts of both translation and preaching, Veniaminov utilized native and creole assistance, further strengthening the legitimacy of the Orthodox missionaries. With a thorough understanding of native language and custom, Veniaminov and his associates made a syncretic version of Russian Orthodoxy available to native peoples, while simultaneously avoiding forced conversion and coercion. With this accessible version of Russian Orthodoxy undergirded by a complex linguistic and anthropological understanding of Native Alaska, Veniaminov traveled around Alaska, making Russian Orthodox available via canoe, ship, and sled. One hallmark of this application was the establishment of multilingual schools, which further strengthened Orthodox presence in Alaska. Ultimately, a syncretic religious and linguistic culture, or “triglossia” resulted in many indigenous communities, ingraining Orthodoxy into the fabric of Native Alaskan communities. With the linguistic and syncretic missionary history of Veniaminov described, we can turn definitively to Kan’s descriptions of common missionary failures to judge the legacy and efficacy of Veniaminov’s Alaskan mission. While by no means perfect, primary and secondary source evidence suggests that Veniaminov’s Alaskan mission successfully navigated a balance of power with Native Alaskans which avoided the temptation of ethnocentrism while simultaneously affirming methods of conversion free from coercion. By examining both Veniaminov’s own instructions to his missionaries and the effects of Veniaminov’s steadfast insistence on syncretism and linguistic proficiency, the results of Veniaminov’s Alaskan mission appear to be a bright spot in a wider historical record replete with missionary failures.
Bibliography
Primary Sources
Barsukov, Ivan, and Innocent Veniaminov. “Book One.” Essay. In Works of Innocent: Metropolitan of Moscow, 1–7. Moscow: Synodal Printing House, 1886. http://slovo.russportal.ru/index.php?id=alphabet.y.innocent03_101#001.
Veniaminov, Innocent. Indication of the way to the Kingdom of Heaven. 25th ed. Moscow Synod, 1890.
Veniaminov, Innocent. “Instruction to the Nushagak Missionary, Hieromonk Eophilus.” Essay. In Instruction of His Eminence Innocent, Former Archbishop of Kamchatka, Kuril and the Aleutians, 97–107. St. Petersburg: St. Petersburg Theological Seminary, 1900.
Veniaminov, Innocent. “Part One.” Essay. In Notes on the Islands of the Unalaska District. St. Petersburg: Government Publishing Company, 1840. https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/service/gdc/gdclccn/20/18/69/39/63/v1/2018693963v1/2018693963v1.pdf.
Veniaminov, Innocent. “Part Three.” Essay. In Notes on the Islands of the Unalaska District. St. Petersburg: Government Publishing Company, 1840. http://elib.shpl.ru/ru/nodes/47039-ch-3-1840.
Veniaminov, Innocent. Remarks About the Koloshensky and Kodiak Languages . St. Petersburg: Government Publishing Company, 1846. https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/service/gdc/gdclccn/20/18/69/39/52/2018693952/2018
Veniaminov, Innocent. “The Name of the Bishop of Kamchatka, Kuril, and Aleutian Said in 1840.” Essay. In The Story of Innocent, by His Name the Bishop of Kamchatka, Kuril, and Aleuts, 1840. http://slovo.russportal.ru/index.php?id=alphabet.y.innocent03_002.
Secondary Sources
Black, Lydia T. “Ivan Pan’Kov-an Architect of Aleut Literacy.” Arctic Anthropology 14, no. 1 (1977): 94–107. http://www.jstor.org/stable/40315902.
Britannica, T. Editors of Encyclopaedia. “religious syncretism.” Encyclopedia Britannica, August 30, 2019. https://www.britannica.com/topic/religious-syncretism.
Ivanov, Vyacheslav V. The Russian Orthodox Church of Alaska and the Aleutian Islands and its relation to Native American traditions–: An attempt at a multicultural society, 1794-1912. Washington, DC: Library of Congress, 1997.
Kan, Sergei. “Russian Orthodox Brotherhoods among the Tlingit: Missionary Goals and Native Response.” Ethnohistory 32, no. 3 (1985): 196–222. https://doi.org/10.2307/481921.
Nordlander, David. “Innokentii Veniaminov and the Expansion of Orthodoxy in Russian America.” Pacific Historical Review 64, no. 1 (1995): 19–36. https://doi.org/10.2307/3640333.
Oleksa, Michael J. Orthodox Alaska: A Theology of Mission. Crestwood (N.Y.): St Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1998.
Vinkovetsky, Ilya. Russian america: An Overseas Colony of a Continental Empire, 1804-1867. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2014.
[1] Sergei Kan, “Russian Orthodox Brotherhoods among the Tlingit: Missionary Goals and Native Response,” Ethnohistory 32, no. 3 (1985): 196, https://doi.org/10.2307/481921, 196-197.
[2] Ibid.
[3] Innocent Veniaminov, “Instruction to the Nushagak Missionary, Hieromonk Eophilus,” essay, in Instruction of His Eminence Innocent, Former Archbishop of Kamchatka, Kuril and the Aleutians (St. Petersburg: St. Petersburg Theological Seminary, 1900), 97–107.
[4]David Nordlander, “Innokentii Veniaminov and the Expansion of Orthodoxy in Russian America,” Pacific Historical Review 64, no. 1 (1995): 19–36, https://doi.org/10.2307/3640333, 28.
[5] Vyacheslav V. Ivanov, The Russian Orthodox Church of Alaska and the Aleutian Islands and Its Relation to Native American Traditions–: An Attempt at a Multicultural Society, 1794-1912 (Washington, DC: Library of Congress, 1997), 17.
[6] Ibid.
[7] Innocent Veniaminov, Remarks About the Koloshensky and Kodiak Languages (St. Petersburg: Government Publishing Company, 1846), https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/service/gdc/gdclccn/20/18/69/39/52/2018693952/2018693952.pdf.
[8] Kan, “Russian Orthodox Brotherhoods Among the Tlingit,” 196.
[9]Ivanov, The Russian Orthodox Church of Alaska, 10.
[10] Veniaminov, “Instruction to the Nushagak Missionary”, 44
[11] Ivanov, The Russian Orthodox Church of Alaska, 6-7
[12]Veniaminov, “Instruction to the Nushagak Missionary”, 35
[13] Innocent Veniaminov, Journals of the Priest Ioann Veniaminov in Alaska, 1823 to 1836 (Rasmuson Library Historical Translation Series ; v. 7), trans. Jerome Kisslinger (Fairbanks, AK: University of Alaska Press, 1993), 78.
[14]Kan, “Russian Orthodox Brotherhoods Among the Tlingit,” 196.
[15] Veniaminov, “Instruction to the Nushagak Missionary”, 33
[16] Innocent Veniaminov, “Part Three,” essay, in Notes on the Islands of the Unalaska District (St. Petersburg: Government Publishing Company, 1840), http://elib.shpl.ru/ru/nodes/47039-ch-3-1840, 14.
[17] Veniaminov, Notes on the Islands of the Unalaska District, 10.
[18] Veniaminov, Notes on the Islands of the Unalaska District, 17.
[19] Oleksa, Orthodox Alaska, 126.
[20] Britannica, T. Editors of Encyclopaedia. “religious syncretism.” Encyclopedia Britannica, August 30, 2019. https://www.britannica.com/topic/religious-syncretism.
[21] Innocent Veniaminov, “The Name of the Bishop of Kamchatka, Kuril, and Aleutian Said in 1840,” essay, in The Story of Innocent, by His Name the Bishop of Kamchatka, Kuril, and Aleuts, 1840, http://slovo.russportal.ru/index.php?id=alphabet.y.innocent03_002, 5.
[22] Ibid.
[23] Ivan Barsukov and Innocent Veniaminov, “Book One,” essay, in Works of Innocent: Metropolitan of Moscow (Moscow: Synodal Printing House, 1886), 1–7, http://slovo.russportal.ru/index.php?id=alphabet.y.innocent03_101#001, 1.
[24] Veniaminov, “Instruction to the Nushagak Missionary”, 35
[25] Ibid, 42
[26] Nordlander, “Innokentii Veniaminov and the Expansion of Orthodoxy in Russian America,” 27.
[27] Ibid.
[28] Ivanov, The Russian Orthodox Church of Alaska, 21
[29] Ibid.
[30] Ivanov, The Russian Orthodox Church of Alaska, 21
[31] Ibid.
[32] Ibid.
[33] Ibid, 23
[34] Kan, “Russian Orthodox Brotherhoods Among the Tlingit,” 197
[35] Veniaminov, “Instruction to the Nushagak Missionary”, 41.
[36] Ibid, 40
[37] Veniaminov, Notes on the Islands of the Unalaska District, 10-17.
[38] Veniaminov, “Instruction to the Nushagak Missionary”, 45.
[39] Ivanov, The Russian Orthodox Church of Alaska, 31.
[40] Ibid, 29.
[41] Ibid.
[42] Ibid.
[43] Veniaminov, “Instruction to the Nushagak Missionary”, 40.
